American people had for many years bought their peace and the tranquil pursuit of their industry and commerce at the expense of yielding more or less to the lead of the class alluded to. The reaction had now come, and its natural effects must now be looked for not merely in the interior but in the foreign policy and purposes of the United States. It would weary you to repeat all this long conversation. I may say, however, that Mr. Calderon seemed to listen with pleasure, and to be favorably impressed, having desired me to meet him again upon this same subject to-morrow. After this conversation I left in Mr. Calderon's hands the translation, B, of your instruction. With sentiments of the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, HORATIO G. PERRY. Secretary of State, Washington. A. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Madrid, March 22, 1862. SIR: I have the satisfaction to announce to your excellency that the Presi dent of the United States, having considered the despatches which I had the honor to address to my government on the 17th and 18th of January last, and in which were reported all the circumstances which occurred, both in Madrid and at Cadiz, 'connected with the visit to that port of the priva teer Sumter, up to the time of her departure, including copies of your excellency's note to myself of the 15th January, and of my reply of January 18, has now made known to me his full approbation of all the measures which I thought it my duty to take in that affair. The President accepts the benevolent and friendly view which I was glad to be able to take of the course pursued by the government of her Catholic Majesty in regard to that vessel, having before him my representation that what was done to the Sumter in the way of repairs seemed to me to have been permitted by her Majesty's government rather with the object of getting rid of an unwelcome visitor as soon as possible than with the purpose of affording aid to our rebellious citizens, at war against their government, and my report that the repairs actually permitted could not well have been less under the interpretation given by her Majesty's government to the royal decree of June 17, 1861, whose good faith I made haste to recognize, though it was distinct from that which I should be glad to see adopted. I am therefore now instructed that, although the United States have continually protested against and do not now acquiesce in the decision of the Spanish government to treat the insurgents as a belligerent, we have nevertheless not made this a cause for breaking ancient friendly relations with Spain. And I am now permitted to say to your excellency that, looking upon the transaction in the case of the Sumter from the point of view arrived at by Spain in the royal decree above referred to, the government of the United States is very favorably impressed by the promptness and fidelity manifested by the government of Spain in dismissing that pirate from her port to the proper perils of the wrongful career in which she had been engaged. In making this communication it is also my pleasing duty to express to your excellency the confidence reposed by the government of the United States in the friendship of Spain. Indeed, the friendship of this nation. began to be manifested towards the United States at the very birth of that republic, and through all the difficulties which the political changes of sev enty years have brought with them it has never been belied. The President sees nothing in the present aspect of affairs to lead him to doubt for a moment the reality and continuance of this historical friendship of her Catholic Majesty for the United States. On the contrary, knowing that the government of her Majesty will not have let pass unperceived the loyal and decisive manner in which the American people have, in later years, opposed and defeated the schemes of certain conspirators to provoke ill feeling and even war between the United States and Spain, for the purpose of separating the Spanish West Indian colonies from her Majesty's dominions; and that the world is now witnessing the result that these very conspirators against the peace of Spain are the same who have gone into open rebellion against the government of the United States, because of the restraints put upon their filibustering and violent schemes for conquest and extension of the power of the class of slave owners in the Union, and for no other cause; and that the Spanish government will not have forgotten the avowed plan publicly expressed by the orators of this insurgent faction, when they rose in rebellion a little more than a year since, that after having imposed their will upon their own States and established their hoped for independence of the government of the United States, they would then immediately annex the Spanish islands of the West Indies with a portion of Mexico, so as to unite the whole slaveholding power of North America under one government capable of maintaining its independence against the world; the President, in view of these things, feels that the identity of interest which exists between the United States and Spain, as shown by recent events, cannot fail to have produced its corresponding effect in the sympathy and good will of the two govern ments. Witnessing ourselves with sincere pleasure the increasing energy, vigor, and prosperity displayed since the accession of her reigning Majesty by an ancient people whose historical glory is unsurpassed, and conscious that the true interests of Spain and the United States in the western hemisphere are singularly harmonious, as well politically as commercially, and nothing but augmented power, security, and prosperity can result to either people from a more intimate intercourse and good understanding, the President of the United States instructs me to express to your excellency, with peculiar emphasis at this moment, the complete confidence which he reposes in the friendship of Spain. It is with unmixed satisfaction that I thus close, on the part of my government, the correspondence growing out of the visit of the Sumter to the port of Cadiz, and avail myself of the occasion to renew to your excellency the assurances of my most distinguished consideration. HORATIO J. PERRY. His Excellency THE MINISTER OF STATE of H. C. M. No. 49.] Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: On the 11th instant I had the honor to bring to the attention of Mr Calderon Collantes the subject of your despatch of March 3, of which he informed me a copy had also reached him through the minister of Spain in Washington. Mr. Calderon said that he found nothing objectionable in the views manifested in that despatch on the part of the United States; perhaps he might observe in reference to the paragraph "while population in America is so rapidly increasing, resources so rapidly developing, and society so steadily forming itself," &c., that, as regards Mexico, this idea of the progressive movement of her population, her resources, and the steady forming of her society, could hardly be considered as borne out by the facts, but this was unimportant. As to the paragraph "the result would nevertheless be traceable to the presence of those forces there," Mr. Calderon did not combat the statement, but remarked that if those forces were there for a legitimate purpose and made no movement directed towards a change of government in that country in any determinate sense, even though a change should occur during their presence in Mexico, they could not be responsible for it. Such changes had been occurring constantly in that country heretofore, and for causes more trivial than the presence of European armies within its limits. Intervention in the political affairs of Mexico, in the accepted signification of that word, Spain had never undertaken nor proposed to undertake. The Spanish forces went merely to obtain redress for past grievances, and in the hope to secure some better guarantee for the fulfil ment on the part of Mexico of her treaties for the safety of Spanish subjects within her limits, and the security of their property from spoliation, than it had been possible to obtain heretofore from that unhappy country. Mr. Calderon conceived that whilst the state of anarchy which had so long desolated Mexico should continue, these guarantees of peace and the fulfilment of treaty obligations, and the protection of Spanish subjects within that jurisdiction, could hardly be expected. But whilst he hoped, therefore, that some government more solid and durable might be established in Mexico, Spain would never undertake to dictate what that government should be, nor would she consent that any other power should dictate a form of government to Mexico, nor attempt to impose any determinate government upon that nation. The Mexicans themselves must select their own form of government, and whatever it might be, whether monarchial or republican, Spain would not object to it if it gave hope of being solid and durable. Whether Mexico should elect a King or a president was not the question, but whether this government of her election could be depended on. If a republican government should be constituted, Mr. Calderon thought for himself that the president ought to hold office for ten or twenty years; he did not like the frequent changes of the Executive established by the Constitution of the United States, and which the Spanish-American republics had imitated, though from their previous education and habits this provision was evidently unfitted to their political necessities. But the Mexicans would decide these questions for themselves. The last news from Mexico seemed to indicate that things were moving in the direction of a pacific arrangement between the allies and Mexico. France, at first, had not been content with the preliminaries signed at "La Soledad," but the explanations of England and the frank and loyal observations by Spain concerning those preliminaries had been well received by France, and this power had also accepted as a fait accompli what was done at "La Soledad." Officially he, Mr. Calderon, could not say that there was any divergence of policy between the allies at this time. I spoke of the candidacy of the Archduke Maximilian for a throne in Mexico, put forward by France Mr. Calderon said that, though this idea had been entertained, the impe rial government had now given assurances that it did not purpose to do anything positive in Mexico to procure the success of this candidate. I took occasion in this interview to urge upon Mr. Calderon the harmony of interest which exists between the United States and Spain in these questions of North America. I told him that the United States by no means intended to object to the establishment of a solid and durable government in Mexico. We could not consent that the will of that people, in respect to their interior organization, should be violated by the forces on any European state, but every interest of the United States impelled us, as well as Spain, to desire a stable and prosperous government in that country. It was a mistake to suppose that the United States looked with pleasure upon the anarchy and weakness of Mexico, as affording to ourselves a better opportunity for territorial aggrandisement. On the contrary, there were few, if any, statesmen in the United States, now prominent in the councils of that government, who were not persuaded that our own strength and stability would be endangered, rather than increased, by the addition of Mexico to our territories. The policy of Mexican annexation, if it had ever been prominent in our councils, was at best a pendant of the policy for the extension and perpetuation of African slavery in North America, which Mr. Calderon must consider as already repudiated by the American people. We should welcome such an improvement in the political condition of Mexico as should give us a frontier upon the south and a vigorous and prosperous foreign people to maintain it. But this must be the work of that people themselves, not a thing imposed upon them from Europe. In fact, the positions taken in Mr. Seward's despatch were incontrovertible; nothing solid could be imposed on Mexico; any government coming from abroad and sustained from abroad would be transitory; the hearty and voluntary action of the Mexican people themselves was the only basis on which a stable government could be erected in that country. Mr. Calderon heard this train of remarks with pleasure, and said that he would assure me this nothing connected with this Mexican question could ever bring on any conflict between the United States and Spain. On the 13th instant I had the honor to read this report of our conference of the 11th instant to Mr. Calderon, when, after suggesting some few changes, the same was approved by him as above written. In this second interview Mr. Calderon also said, you may state to your government that the policy of Spain in America, summed up in a few words, is this: Spain does not aspire to re-establish her domination over any part of the American continent. She does feel an interest in the welfare of the countries formerly her colonies, and would be glad to persuade them all that Spain is by sentiment and interest their best friend. Spain wishes them to understand, however, that, if she suffers great grievances at their hands and forbears, it is not from lack of power to chastise them. On the contrary, this government is conscious that no power in Europe is in a position to effect more in America, in a military point of view, than Spain herself. But her policy is not to weaken those nations by bringing upon them foreign wars and difficulties. She seeks the friendship of the independent States, formerly her colonies, for their advantage and her own. She could not see their absorption by the United States with indifference. She wishes them to maintain their independence and the integrity of their territories, and to become strong and prosperous. She will not herself lay hand upon that independence in any circumstances, nor can she see this independence threatened by any other power, European or American, without considering her own interests to be compromitted. Mr. Calderon was persuaded that my representations of a change in the tendencies of the government of the United States, since our southern statesmen had ceased to be dominant at Washington, were just. He believed that we did not ourselves now desire the acquisition of Mexico, and he would, therefore, assure me again that no cause of difficulty, no conflict, could arise out of this Mexican business between the United States and Spain. And Mr. Calderon would also say more. He would assure me and my government that, according as the conviction of this change from the former aggressive disposition manifested by the United States penetrated into this country, and the apprehension of a descent by us upon Cuba ceased, according as confidence in this respect was re-established, we should see that the government of Spain was ready and desirous to welcome and confirm a policy of good faith and good neighborhood with the United States. Spain would then amplify and stimulate the commercial intercourse be tween the United States and her own colonies, making everything connected with the friendly intercourse of the two countries broader and freer. She would give to her commercial regulations all the width and freedom consistent with the various products of the two countries. On the 15th, instant, in another interview held for the purpose, the de spatch of Mr. Seward was re-read, as well as the preceding report of the conference of the 13th instant, when, the same having been approved by Mr. Calderon, I was authorized to transmit this despatch to my government, and requested to furnish Mr. Calderon with a copy, to be forwarded by him to the Spanish minister at Washington for his instruction, as embodying the true sentiments and purposes of the government of her Catholic Majesty. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant, Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. HORATIO J. PERRY. Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward. No. 53.] LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, SIR: Your instructions up to April 14 (No. 27) have been received and properly numbered as you direct. Perhaps I have omitted to mention heretofore that Mr. Rost, styling himself a commissioner for the so-called Confederate States, has been residing at Madrid as a private gentlemen for some six weeks past. He applied to be received by this government in his pretended official capacity, but Mr. Calderon Collantes declined the honor of such an interview, and immediately sent me word of the application made to him by Mr. Rost, and of his reply. Mr. Calderon told me he should have no difficulty in meeting Mr. Rost as a distinguished foreigner, but would have no intercourse with him, in his own capacity, as minister of state. I have no reason to suppose that this resolution has been deviated from in practice. You are already aware that the Sumter has been abandoned by her officers and that part of the crew which had not previously deserted. |