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reenforcements. If a fair opening shall occur by which she, France, can retire with her honor, her disposition, I think, would be to do so. General Concha, the newly arrived ambassador from Spain at this court, will be received, it is said, at an early day. An attempt is being made through the journals to induce a belief that Spain is willing again to co-operate with France in Mexico. That she wishes to re-establish the friendly feeling and intercourse between the two countries (slightly clouded by the retirement of General Prim from Mexico) is not to be doubted, but I cannot suppose that she will for a moment enter into any new arrangement inconsistent with the original convention adopted in London between the three powers. General Miramon has again left France and sailed, or is about to sail, with his family, for the United States.

I have been informed that certain officials of the government of Guatemala, in Paris, have said that it was not, and had not in any event been, the intention of that country to connect itself with Mexico, but that should Mexico adopt another form of government it would probably follow her example. The fact is that the great body of the citizens of Central America (so far as I can judge from their representatives at this court, have a very imperfect idea of what republican government is.

There is nothing specially new or interesting here at this moment. The Emperor's fête, which takes place the 15th inst., is now, by anticipation, attracting the attention of Paris. Great preparations are being made for its celebration. Amongst other matters, the Emperor on that day receives the officers of state, and the whole diplomatic corps dine with the minister of foreign affairs.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

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SIR: An absence for the last few days, on a visit to my family in Switzerland, has interrupted our correspondence. In the meantime (with the exception of 186) your despatches from No. 184 to No. 198, both inclusive, have been received at the legation.

No. 185 contains a copy of your despatch to Mr. Adams in reference to a conference between him and Mr. on the subject of cotton, intervention, &c. No. 194 likewise contains the copy of a most interesting despatch to Mr. Adams, under date of the 2d inst., with certain correspondence between General Butler and Hon. R. Johnson, and the copy of a note from General Halleck.

I am happy to have received the copy of this despatch to Mr. Adams, pointing out in advance such course of conduct as would be agreeable to the government at home in certain contingencies therein referred to. I take it for granted that the rule of conduct prescribed for Mr. Adams will, under like circumstances, apply to myself. I have no reason at present to suppose that there will be occasion for its immediate application, but am happy to be possessed of proper information to meet contingencies.

I had hoped to see Mr. Thouvenel to-day in reference to the despatch about Guatemala, but was notified this morning that the conference with the diplomatic corps would be postponed until to-morrow. That matter will therefore have to go over to the mail by the steamer of next week.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

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WM. L. DAYTON.

No. 189.]

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

PARIS, September 3, 1862. SIR: Your despatch to me No. 192 and your confidential despatch to Mr. Adams, No. 322, of which you send me a copy, treat, so far as France is concerned, of the same matter, to wit: the probabilities of the Emperor interfering in the affairs of our country. I have taken occasion to inform you heretofore that I feel myself justified in relying upon the friendly feeling of this country until I shall have some official intimation to the contrary. It is true that at a court where there is a power-a thinking, acting power-behind the minister with whom one communicates, we can never feel quite sure of our position; yet I cannot permit myself to be disturbed by the alternation of rumors referred to in the extract from Mr. Adams's confidential despatch, No. 197. I listen to all such reports with the utmost distrust. Paris is full of emissaries, or rather emigrants, (if I may call them so,) male and female, from the south; most of them have come to Europe or remain in Europe to avoid the danger of a residence at home. But while careful to absent themselves, they apparently think of nothing else, and speak of nothing else, but the war, and the certain success of the south. They mix in society, and pick up every rumor afloat on its surface, magnify it, reproduce it, and finally themselves, I have the charity to suppose, believe it. Even Mr. Slidell, as early as last winter, gave to a gentleman in Paris of the highest character, the most distinct assurance, founded, as he said, upon certain knowledge, that the south would be recognized in 60 or 90 days, and advised him to make his business arrangements accordingly; yet at that period, notwithstanding the talk in a certain official coterie, there was not even a chance of recognition. The very fact that these rumors of intended interference upon the part of the Emperor are afloat should make us distrust their truth; the Emperor does not do things in that way; he does not take counsel of the world before he acts. His very reticence and the reticence of Mr. Thouvenel, in the midst of these newspaper statements, have sometimes made me uneasy, and I have therefore wished to know what was said by Mr. Mercier at Washington. But there has been at no time, in my judgment, just ground for believing, as reported to you, "that the Emperor has directed Mr. Slidell to instruct Mr. Mason to make another formal appeal to Earl Russell preliminary to his own separate and exclusive action.” The very form of the proposition is to my mind evidence of its falsity.

You say (in despatch No. 192) there has not been a week since the war commenced that somebody has not conveyed to you statements implying hostile designs upon the part of the Emperor; this I can well understand. Our citizens, and sometimes even officials, transiently in Paris, who should know better, pick up these rumors, become excited, hurry first to the legation, then write to the department. It is a singular fact that every American citizen abroad thinks himself entitled to know everything that has ever passed between our government and the Emperor, and is very much dissatisfied unless I at once make a clean breast of it. No reliance at all is to be placed upon reports transmitted to you from such quarters; if right at all, they are so by accident. Nothing has occurred here of any official character, not already reported, to justify the belief that the Emperor intends to interfere with us.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD, &c., &c., &c.

WM. L. DAYTON.

No. 190.]

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

PARIS, September 3, 1862. SIR: Your despatches Nos. 199 and 200, with their enclosures, have been received.

These despatches both refer to the same matter, to wit: the military condition of things at home. I am happy to learn that neither the people nor the government has given way to despondency. The north has the material for success, moral and physical, and if it maintain its persistent, unshaken resolution, the result cannot be doubtful. I find that American citizens in Europe are more despondent than their countrymen at home. In despite of themselves, they are infected by the atmosphere around them. American newspapers, as I have before said, are, as a whole, little known to the larger portion of the continental press. These last supply themselves with the gleanings of American news from London newspapers, more especially from the London Times. This journal, though in conversation generally repudiated by Englishmen as an exponent of national feeling, is yet, I believe, the best existing exponent of the popular feeling of that country. It is, in fact, as in name, "The Times." Its articles are extensively copied on the continent, and even with those who distrust the paper, and dislike the people, they give direction to public opinion. It thus happens that our citizens abroad have constantly before them but one, and that the darkest and most distorted view of the condition of things at home. They run constantly to the legation for comfort, and it is a pleasure at least to be able to say to them I have had reassuring despatches from your department.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

WM. L. DAYTON.

Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

No. 191.]

PARIS, September 9, 1862. SIR: A copy of your circular (No. 19) dated August 8, 1862, in reference to the wages of labor in the United States, was received by me, and, at or about the same time, another copy was received by our consul at this port.

Mr. Bigelow immediately caused it to be published in the French papers. The result has been a perfect "rush" to this legation. All seem to suppose that they are to have not only ample wages when they get to the United States, but their passage over, paid, or in some way provided for by the government. They are of course greatly disappointed, or profess to be, to find the contrary. But it seems to me, under the inducement of high wages thus held out to laborers, and the temptations of our military service with its pay and bounties, a large emigration must take place; and this would be much increased, permit me to suggest, if the government could induce ship-owners to lower the price of passage for emigrants. I make the suggestion in the hope that, with the aid of those familiar with these matters, you may hit upon some plan by which it can be carried out. The exhaustive character of the struggle in which our country is engaged seems to call for some such remedy to supply the depletion; and you may rest assured that nothing will tend so much and so promptly to that end as cheapening the price of passage. If to this could in any way be added the certainty, upon their arrival, of immediate employment, the gap in our popu

lation created by war and its incidents would be more than filled up by current immigration.

I am, sir, your very obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

WM. L. DAYTON.

Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.

No. 192.

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

PARIS, September 10, 1862.

SIR: Your despatches from No. 201 to No. 206, inclusive, have been received. In reference to the subject-matter of one of these despatches, No. 203, I have heretofore written you a private and unofficial note. It will give me pleasure to cultivate friendly relations with the representatives of the governments of South America at this court, and to do what I can to smooth down any such feelings of distrust or suspicion as are referred to in your despatch No. 202. They cannot but know that the dangers they have heretofore incurred have originated rather in the fillibustering spirit of the south than in any ambitious purposes of the north. The success of the south in its present struggle would be sure to increase those dangers, while the success of the north will diminish them. It will scarcely be supposed, after what has passed, that we shall, in any event, be ambitious of adding much to our southern possessions. Your printed despatch No. 204 contains views and suggestions of which I may have occasion to avail myself hereafter.

Your despatch No. 205 refers to our treaty obligations with New Grenada. The views of this government on that question I have already given in my despatch No. 185, dated 29th of August last.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM L. DAYTON.

P. S.-I think I have not heretofore acknowledged, as I now do, the receipt of your printed circulars Nos. 18 and 21.

No. 193.]

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.

PARIS, September 12, 1862.

SIR: Agreeably to your directions in despatch No. 201, I informed Mr. Thouvenel to-day of the circumstances under which the Mexican government had negotiated certain drafts upon the United States, based on treaties negotiated by Mr. Corwin and not ratified by our government, and which drafts were therefore unpaid.

Mr. Thouvenel, it would seem, had not seen the subject referred to in the public journals. He expressed his appreciation of the attention and friendship of the United States in the action of the government and in making the communication above referred to.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c.

WILLIAM L. DAYTON.

No. 195.]

Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward.
[Extract.]

PARIS, September 13, 1862. SIR: There have been such frequent references, in the English as well as the American journals, to conferences between Mr. Slidell and Mr. Thouvenel, that I began to think that there might be something important which I should. know but did not. In a conversation, therefore, of some length, had with Mr. Thouvenel yesterday, I referred to the subject. I stated that he might have observed I had not for some time past referred to Mr. Slidell, or the efforts at this court of the emissaries of the south; that I had avoided it because, as I understood, they had no official relations with the French court. To this he assented. I then stated, generally, that if any propositions or suggestions had come or should come, from any source, affecting the interests of the United States, and which should be entertained or considered by the French government, I should be thankful to him if he would let me know what they were, that I might make such suggestions as might be necessary. I did this because I had seen it distinctly stated that certain suggestions or propositions as to the modification of slavery in the south had been made and recently renewed, and I felt that if such unofficial suggestions or propositions, which I could not strictly inquire about, were entertained by the government, we were in a worse position in this respect than if these emissaries had been duly accredited and received. Mr. Thouvenel, without giving a direct answer to my suggestions, immediately said that he had seen Mr. Slidell once, when he arrived in Paris, about which we knew everything; that afterwards, about the time that Mr. Mason last applied to Earl Russell, and for a like purpose, Mr. Slidell applied to him; that these were the only occasions upon which he had seen Mr. Slidell, and he much doubted if the latter felt greatly flattered by his reception. He said he was quite sure that Mr. Slidell was satisfied that his arguments had failed to convince him (Mr. Thouvenel) of the propriety of recognizing the south; that the argument of Mr. Slidell for recognition was precisely that which we had used for a withdrawal of a concession of belligerent rightsto wit, that it would "end the war;" that there might be some writing or negotiation afterwards, but that a recognition by France would substantially end the war! He added that he did not believe that Mr. Slidell had ever written to his government all that he (Mr. Thouvencl) said to him on the subject. He furthermore said that Mr. De Leon, ex-consul, &c., (author of a southern pamphlet published here,) and whom he seemed to consider as another southern agent now here, he had never seen at all. The pamphlet then lay on his table. He added that I knew well his sympathies and his acts had been with us from the beginning. This, I am satisfied, has been so. You may have remarked in times past that the subject of slavery, the causes of the rebellion, or the right of secession, have not been in our conferences a subject of general discussion. The truth is, no occasion has arisen to make such discussion needful or proper. I have always been satisfied that Mr. Thouvenel's views on the subject were right. He knows and perfectly appreciates the fact that slavery lies at the basis of the insurrection; that it is not free trade, nor any other of the pretexts or political pretences which are put forth by southern emissaries, that have led to this state of things. I only wish he was as well satisfied of our power to suppress the insurrection as I believe him to be satisfied of our right to do so.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, &r., &c., &c.

WILLIAM L. DAYTON.

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