No. 180.] Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward. PARIS, August 4, 1862. SIR: In my interview on Friday last with Mr. Rouher, minister of foreign affairs, ad interim, he said, in answer to a remark from me, that he did not think it at all probable that England would interfere with us. He asked some questions about our military condition and prospects, and I, in reply, submitted to him your views, as expressed in despatch No. 178. Although I cannot but fear that your confident expectation of obtaining the three hundred thousand additional volunteers within sixty days may not be realized, yet the general views expressed by you in that despatch seem to me not only very pertinent, but remarkably well and clearly stated. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WM. L. DAYTON. Secretary of State, &c., &c., &c. His Excellency WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. No. 194.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, August 4, 1862. SIR: I herewith enclose for your information the copy of a despatch of the 2d instant,* addressed to Mr. Adams, respecting the possibility of the recognition of the independence of the States in insurrection against this government, with a copy of the correspondence which took place between Major General Butler and the honorable Reverdy Johnson on the subject of seizure and confiscation; and a copy of a note, of this date, from General Halleck to myself, showing how cotton is coming from Columbus. SIR: You will have seen before this by the debates in the British Parliament, as well as by the announcement in the journals of St. Petersburg, that the rumor I gave you a few days since of an intended mediation in our affairs (growing out of a statement of -) has no foundation in fact. I may add here that, immediately after the reception of the news of our defeats (as they are called) before Richmond, Mr. Slidell started for Vichy, where the Emperor was then staying. Upon his arrival there, he sought, as I am informed, an interview with his Majesty, which was denied to him. I very much doubt if he has ever, on any occasion, exchanged a word with the Emperor. The newspapers of the United States have made the most ridiculous statements in reference to their pretended interviews at See correspondence with Great Britain for enclosure. times and places where I was myself present, and where I know Mr. Slidell SIR: I have to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch (No. 176) of the 24th ultimo, accompanied by a copy of your letter of the 15th ultimo to our consul at Marseilles in regard to the case of one Gauthreaux, a destitute citizen of the United States, and to the support of paupers from the United States in foreign countries and vice versa. The views expressed in that letter are entirely approved. SIR: Your despatch of July 29 (No. 177) has been received. We are at the present moment in a state of uncertainty in relation to the renewal of military operations. Exaggeration of the forces of the insurgents and depreciation of our own have been the busy occupation of too many among us since the disappointment of our expectations at Richmond. It was una voidable, because it is natural for men, and especially for masses, to be disturbed and demoralized, at least for a time, by the failure of sanguine expectations. You are entitled, however, to the information that in my opinion our forces in the field, although not demonstrative, are adequate to the task of holding the vast territories we have recovered. The new volunteers, 300,000 in number, are beginning to move to-day for the places of rendezvous to reinforce the army in the field, and forty days will suffice to bring forward also the 300,000 militia which have been called for by the President. Within the same time our naval preparations will begin to show important results. Much, however, is dependent on the military operations of the hour, while the preparations for a vigorous campaign are going forward. It is impossible to speculate with confidence on the chances of the war movements which are taking place to-day. I shall, at an hour nearer the departure of the steamer, notice any events which may occur in the interval. I send you an extract relating to France from a despatch which has just been received from Mr. Adams, together with my comments thereupon. It may interest, and possibly the communication may be important to you. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM L. DAYTON, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. No. 200.] DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, August 18, 1862. SIR: I write a few words while the mail is closing. General Halleck, upon taking command of the army, made a careful survey of the entire military position, and concluded thereupon to withdraw the army of the Potomac from the peninsula and to combine all our forces in front of Richmond. The measure was a difficult and delicate one. It is believed to have been substantially accomplished without any casualty. Our new levies are coming in in great numbers and in fine spirits. The gloom has passed away from the public mind. Although our arrangements for resuming offensive operations are yet incomplete, we have much confidence in being able to do so speedily and with decisive effect. The disturbed condition or affairs in New Orleans is giving way slowly, and commerce is reviving there. Discontents, which naturally enough found utterance in the loyal States in a brief season of despondency through which we have passed, have died away already, and with them the apprehensions of organizations to embarrass the war. It is represented to us that the popular determination to maintain the Union has at no time been as unanimous and as earnest as it is now. SIR: Your despatch of August 8 (No. 182) has been received. The information it gives concerning the relations of France towards Mexico is interesting and important. The position of the United States in regard to the war between France and Mexico has been taken, and will be maintained. This government, relying on the explanations which have been made by France, regards the conflict as a war involving claims by France. which Mexico has failed to adjust to the satisfaction of her adversary, and it avoids intervention between the belligerents. You will have learned from the press that the Mexican government has negotiated drafts upon the United States based on the treaties which Mr. Corwin negotiated, and which have not been ratified. Some of the drafts have reached this department, and, of course, they were protested. I assume that it is understood in Europe that these drafts are unauthorized by this government, and were made without its knowledge, but certainly it may be well for you to state these facts to Mr. Thouvenel. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM L. DAYTON, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. No. 202.1 Mr. Seward to Mr. Dayton. Department of State, Washington, August 23, 1862. SIR: Referring again to your despatch of August 8, (No. 182,) it seems proper that I should inform you that within the past year there has seemed to be a very decided improvement in the sentiments of the Spanish American republics towards the United States. It is needless, and would be, perhaps, unprofitable, to recite the causes which had alienated them from this country, and rendered them habitually apprehensive of ambitious and aggressive designs on our part--designs which, in any case, could be hardly more injurious to those states than to our own country. Recent correspondence of Guatemala with this government especially exhibits the change I have described. The President trusts that you will do what lies in your power to encourage the spirit which that change indicates. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM L. DAYTON, Esq., &c., &c., &c. WILLIAM H. SEWARD. It is difficult for our people and much more difficult for foreigners to detect the real tendencies of political events during the excitements of this attempted revolution. It found us unprepared, and even unsuspecting and incredulous. When the war had broken out the people, accustomed to peace, very soon became impatient, and a signal defeat, without any compensating success, produced alarm, which was followed by apparent despondency. Europe, in view of these facts, naturally concluded that the contest on our part would be short and hopeless. The country, however, reconsidered, and put forth energies which brought a series of successes which seemed to render a conclusion of the war in favor of the Union speedy and certain. Europe had scarcely time to accept this assurance before a failure, not a defeat, at Richmond, disappointed and disconcerted the sanguine and impatient portion of our countrymen. The government did not hesitate a day to provide for reinforcing and augmenting the national forces on a scale adequate to the prosecution of the war with greater vigor and certainty of success than before. But a transient gloom had fallen once more upon the national mind, and presses that necessarily sympathize with a morbid public temper, and minister to it day after day, and week after week, continued to deepen that gloom, and to harass the country with fears of disasters everywhere at home, and dangers everywhere abroad. Advocates of extreme and conflicting policies and sentiments came upon the stage, and claimed the public attention with expectations of successful agitation which could have no other effect than to divide the country and deliver it up to the distractions of party spirit. Alarms of intervention were, of course, sounded by the conspirators abroad with much effect. It was very natural, and, therefore, by no means unexpected, that, under such circumstances, our representatives abroad, reading the American heart through the newspapers, as they necessarily must, and not feeling its stronger vibrations as the government here did, should despair of its prompt response to the President's call for three hundred thousand volunteers. All this has now changed. The call is already answered; forty-five thousand of the new recruits are already in the field; a hundred thousand more are marching towards it, and two hundred and thirty-three thousand are in camps of rendezvous and organization. This is an excess of seventy-eight thousand over the three hundred thousand volunteers which were demanded. You have, however, already been informed that the President has called for three hundred thousand militia, to be raised by draft. The time for this draft is fixed for the 2d of September. There is only one question left undetermined, which is, namely, whether the government will accept volunteers for this force also, or insist upon the draft, now found unnecessary. I do not discourse to-day on the military position. It is a day of uncertainty and suspense, but not altogether unmingled with apprehension. General McClellan has safely retired his great army from the James river, and is rapidly moving it around to reinforce the small force with which General Pope is holding the Rappahannock, midway between this capital. and Richmond. The insurgents have brought their main force from Richmond up to confront General Pope, with a purpose of attacking him before he can be joined by General McClellan and by the new levies now coming into the field. The telegraph reports skirmishes, but as yet no battle. The question is, or seems to be, which side can practice superior energy and despatch. The solution of it will probably be known before this paper can leave this department. You will read of guerrilla demonstrations and partial successes in the west. But the disturbers will find themselves obliged to encounter the volunteers now pouring into that region from the loyal western States, and it may be expected that the Union arms will again be everywhere assuming the offensive within the coming month. Our naval force has destroyed all the insurgents' iron-clad vessels which have thus far appeared, and have just now been augmented by the addition of the Ironsides, which has gone to the fleet at . These facts are relied upon as sufficient to satisfy Europe that the resistance of this government to the insurrection is not one of mere impulse, or in any way spasmodic, but it is one of fixed policy and persistent resolution. I am happy to say that it is now found to be in entire harmony and sympathy with the convictions and sentiments of the American . people. It is believed that when the vast character of the contest thus developed shall come to be fully understood in Europe, the uneasy and intrusive spirit that has prevailed there, and excited so much apprehension, will disappear, and that the maritime powers will henceforth regard the American civil war as a conflict which belongs to our own country, and in which they have neither any just motive nor real interest for interfering. If further reasons for this confidence were wanting, they could be found, as I think, in the ⚫evidence of an unquiet spirit arising in several of the European states. The President observes these manifestations with an earnest desire that the old world may escape the evils of war, such as we are suffering. He will improve the occasion, so far as it is possible for him to do so, to show that the United States are not agitators, but are really conservative, and devoted to the interests of peace and order throughout the world. I am, sir, your obedient servant, WILLIAM L. DAYTON, Esq., &c., &c., &c WILLIAM H. SEWARD. |