war of independence initiated a new era of ascendancy for the middle class, so the American anti-slavery war will do for the working classes. They consider it an earnest of the epoch to come, that it fell to the lot of Abraham Lincoln, the singleminded son of the working-class, to lead his country through the matchless struggle for the rescue of an enchained race and the re-construction of a social work.

Signed on behalf of the International Workingmen's Association, the members of the Central Council.

A cordial speech of Baron de Wetterstedt, the minister representing the kingdom of Sweden and Norway, on the occasion of the elevation of his mission to a higher grade by his Sovereign, and his official presentation on the 20th of January, to the President, drew from Mr. Lincoln the following deserv edly friendly response :

BARON DE WETTERSTEDT: My memory does not recall an instance of disagreement between Sweden and the United States. Your predecessor was most agreeable in his intercourse with this Government, and I greet you with the same good feeling which was entertained for him while he resided with us. The consideration which your Government has manifested by raising the rank of its mission here, is acknowledged with sincere satisfaction. You may be assured that on my part every occasion will be improved to exhibit the sincere desire which this Government entertains for the prosperity and welfare of the Government and Kingdom of Sweden and Norway.

On the 25th of January, a delegation of ladies and gentlemen from Philadelphia, headed by the Rev. Dr. Suddards, waited on the President, to present him with a vase of leaves, gathered by the lady donors, on the battle-field of Gettysburg, and placed on exhibition at the great Sanitary Fair, held during the previous summer at the former place. Mr. Lincoln replied to the presentation speech as follows:

REVEREND SIR, and Ladies and GENTLEMEN: I accept, with emotions of profoundest gratitude, the beautiful gift you have been pleased to present to me. You will, of course, expect that I acknowledge it. So much has been said about Gettysburg, and so well said, that for me to attempt to say more may, perhaps, only serve to weaken the force of that

which has already been said. A most graceful and eloquent tribute was paid to the patriotism and self-denying labors of the American ladies, on the occasion of the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, by our illustrious friend, Edward Everett, now, alas! departed from earth. His life was a truly great one, and I think, the greatest part of it was that which crowned its closing years. I wish you to read, if you have not already done so, the glowing, and eloquent, and truthful words which he then spoke of the women of America. Truly, the services they have rendered to the defenders of our country in this perilous time, and are yet rendering, can never be estimated as they ought to be. For your kind wishes to me, personally, I beg leave to render you, likewise, my sincerest thanks. I assure you they are reciprocated. And now, gentlemen and ladies, may God bless you all.

The State of Tennessee, under the Military Governorship of Andrew Johnson, had been steadily advancing toward a better condition, though still disturbed by a large Secession . element of its population, bitterly hostile to the Government. The loyal portion of the inhabitants had readily fallen in with the out-spoken anti-slavery policy of Gov. Johnson, as the only basis for re-organizing the State Government. The final defeat of the Rebel Hood, and his expulsion from the Statemany of the worst enemies of the Union following him, as the same class had followed Price out of Missouri-left the party of malcontents and disunionists comparatively subdued and peaceful.

A State Convention, in calling which East Tennessee had taken the lead, inviting and receiving the co-operation of Middle and West Tennessee, assembled at Nashville on the 11th of January, 1865. Its object was the re-organization of a civil government for the State. No one who had borne arms in the Rebel service, or who had given aid and comfort to the rebellion, was permitted to take a seat in the convention. The number of votes to be cast for each county was at first determined on the basis of the vote against secession in 1861. This gave a decided preponderance to East Tennessee-ever the home of loyalty and freedom. As this created dissatisfac tion among the delegates from other parts of the State, they were conciliated by a change, giving a more equal local repre

sentation. The Convention unanimously declared in favor of abolishing, and forever prohibiting slavery throughout the State. A further constitutional amendment was also agreed to, forbidding the Legislature from recognizing the right of property in slaves, or from giving compensation for those freed. The declaration of State independence, and the military league with the "Davis Confederacy," made in 1861, and all laws and ordinances made in pursuance of those measures, were declared abrogated. All official appointments made by Gov. Johnson, during the time of his service as Military Governor, were confirmed.

The action of the Convention was submitted to the people for ratification or rejection, the vote to be taken on the 22d of February-State officers and a Legislature to be chosen on the 4th of March, in case of a popular approval. Nearly three kundred delegates took part in the proceedings. The people approved the work of the Convention, ratifying these important changes in the organic law of the State. On the 4th of March, William G. Brownlow was elected Governor, and was duly installed in office. A Legislature was also chosen, and Tennessee has now a fully organized government as a Free State.

honors in the gift of Gov. Johnson knew They knew him as a

The policy pursued in Tennessee was entirely consonant in principle, though necessarily varied in some details, with that which the President had adopted in regard to Louisiana. In the former case, however, partly through the firm and energetic management of a Military Governor in the midst of people from whom he had received the highest the State, the result was more complete. the men with whom he had to deal. statesman who had before been Chief Magistrate of the State by a popular election, and who had long represented them in the Senate. He had, too, a basis of immense strength in the indomitable spirit of freedom which pervaded East Tennessee, his own home, and which hailed the advent of universal liberty as the sole enduring foundation for the re-organization of civil order in the revolted States.

We have already seen something of the difficulties which

attended the like efforts in Louisiana. Only some of the more important localities, as New Orleans, and points on the Mississippi River chiefly, had been reclaimed by absolute military possession. The earlier Military Governors had not been citizens of Louisiana. Personal divisions and partisan factions had sprung up within the State, and had been fostered by ambitious men elsewhere. An energetic opposition to the President on this subject was organized in Congress. A firm and fair trial of his policy was thus interfered with, where cordial support was most of all needed. Unfortunately, too, the influence of Gen. Banks, to whom so important a part in this matter had been assigned, and who had so successfully conducted affairs in the earlier stages, had lost prestige somewhat, by the unexpected issue of the Red River expedition, which failed to sustain the reputation he had gained in the Port Hudson campaign.

The prominence given to this subject, and the factious opposition by which a small minority in the Senate succeeded, at the close of the session of 1864-5, in defeating, for a time, the final consummation by Congressional recognition of the longcontinued efforts for the re-organization of a permanent local Government, gives importance to the following letter of the President, recently made public:

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"EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 5, 1863.) MY DEAR GEN. BANKS: While I very well know what I would be glad for Louisiana to do, it is quite a different thing for me to assume direction of the matter. I would be glad for her to make a new Constitution, recognizing the Emancipation Proclamation, and adopting emancipation in those parts of the State to which the proclamation does not apply. And while she is at it, I think it would not be objectionable for her to adopt some practical system by which the two races could gradually live themselves out of their old relations to each other, and both come out better prepared for the new. Education for young blacks should be included in the plan. After all, the power or element of "contract" may be sufficient for this probationary period, and by its simplicity and flexibility may be

the better.

As an anti-slavery man, I have a motive to desire emancipa

tion which pro-slavery men do not have; but even they have strong enough reason to thus place themselves again under the shield of the Union, and thus perpetually hedge against the recurrence of the scenes through which we are now passing.

If

Gov. Shepley has informed me that Mr. Durant is now taking a registry with a view to the election of a Constitutional Convention in Louisiana. This, to me, appears proper. such convention were to ask my views, I could present little else than what I now say to you. I think the thing should be pushed forward, so that, if possible, its mature work may reach here by the meeting of Congress.

For my own part, I think I shall not, in any event, retract the Emancipation Proclamation; nor, as Executive, ever return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress.

If Louisiana shall send members to Congress, their admission to seats will depend, as you know, upon the respective Houses, and not upon the President.

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Yours, very truly,

It is difficult to see how a State government, organized in a regular manner from this beginning, with a constitution prohibiting slavery, could be intrinsically obnoxious, except on the theory-having as yet few supporters-that all the disloyal States should be reduced to the "territorial " condition. And it was in fact the author of this theory in the Senate, who, backed by a small minority, and resorting to parliamentary tactics little at home in that body, succeeded, near the close of the session, in defeating the will of a decided majority of both Houses, as clearly manifested in favor of the recognition of the Louisiana State government. It was of no such act that his leading (but unsuccessful) coadjutor in the House, and one of his associates in this transaction in the Senate, had said, arraigning the President in the midst of the canvass of the previous summer, that " a more studied outrage on the legislative authority of the people has never been perpetrated."

Arkansas followed the fortunes of Louisiana, in this failure of recognition, despite the will of a majority of both Houses, in which the President also cordially concurred. That State, too, had been re-organized on the basis of a free State constitution, ratified by a large loyal vote. The rejection of its Con