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cate art of surgery, we have pretty thoroughly probed
slavery, the frightful tumor on the body politic, and have,
we think, ascertained the precise remedies requisite for a
speedy and perfect cure. Possibly the less ardent friends
of freedom may object to our prescription, on the ground
that some of its ingredients are too griping, and that it
will cost the patient a deal of most excruciating pain.
But let them remember that the patient is exceedingly
refractory, that the case is a desperate one, and that dras-
tic remedies are indispensably necessary. When they
shall have invented milder yet equally efficacious ones,
it will be time enough to discontinue the use of ours-
then no one will be readier than we to discard the infalli-
ble strong recipe for the infallible mild. Not at the per-
secution of a few thousand slaveholders, but at the resti-
tution of natural rights and prerogatives to several mil-
lions of non-slaveholders, do we aim.

Inscribed on the banner, which we herewith unfurl to the world, with the full and fixed determination to stand by it or die by it, unless one of more virtuous efficacy shall be presented, are the mottoes which, in substance, embody the principles, as we conceive, that should govern us in our patriotic warfare against the most subtle and insidious foe that ever menaced the inalienable rights and liberties and dearest interests of America:

1st. Thorough Organization and Independent Political Action on the part of the Non-Slaveholding whites of the South.

2nd. Ineligibility of Slaveholders-Never another vote to the Trafficker in Human Flesh.

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3rd. No Co-operation with Slaveholders in Politics-No Fellowship with them in Religion-No Affiliation with them in Society.

4th. No Patronage to Slaveholding Merchants-No Guestship in Slave-waiting Hotels-No Fees to Slaveholding Lawyers-No Employment of Slaveholding Physicians -No Audience to Slaveholding Parsons.

5th. No Recognition of Pro-slavery Men, except as Ruffians, Outlaws, and Criminals.

6th. Abrupt Discontinuance of Subscription to Pro-slavery Newspapers.

7th. The Greatest Possible Encouragement to Free White Labor.

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8. No more Hiring of Slaves by Non-slaveholders. 9th. Immediate Death to Slavery, or if not immediate, unqualified Proscription of its Advocates during the Pe riod of its Existence.

10th. A Tax of Sixty Dollars on every Slaveholder for each and every Negro in his Possession at the present time, or at any intermediate time between now and the 4th of July, 1863-said Money to be Applied to the transportation of the Blacks to Liberia, to their Colonization in Central or South America, or to their Comfortable Settlement within the Boundaries of the United States. 11th. An additional Tax of Forty Dollars per annum to be levied annually, on every Slaveholder for each and every Negro found in his possession after the 4th of July, 1863 said Money to be paid into the hands of the Negroes so held in Slavery, or, in cases of death, to their next of kin, and to be used by them at their own option.

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This, then, is the outline of our scheme for the abolition of slavery in the Southern States. Let it be acted upon with due promptitude, and, as certain as truth is mightier than error, fifteen years will not elapse before every foot of territory, from the mouth of the Delaware to the embog

uing of the Rio Grande, will glitter with the jewels of
freedom. Some time during this year, next, or the year
following, let there be a general convention of non-slave-
holders from every slave State in the Union, to deliberate
on the momentous issues now pending. First, let them
adopt measures for holding in restraint the diabolical ex-
cesses of the oligarchy; secondly, in order to cast off the
thraldom which the infamous slave-power has fastened
upon them, and, as the first step necessary to be taken to
regain the inalienable rights and liberties with which they
were invested by Nature, but of which they have been
divested by the accursed dealers in human flesh, let them
devise ways and means for the complete annihilation of
slavery; thirdly, let them put forth an equitable and com-
prehensive platform, fully defining their position, and in-
viting the active sympathy and co-operation of the mil-
lions of down-trodden non-slaveholders throughout the
Southern and Southwestern States. Let all these things
be done, not too hastily, but with calmness, deliberation,
prudence, and circumspection; if need be, let the dele-
gates to the convention continue in session one or two
weeks; only let their labors be wisely and thoroughly per-
formed; let them, on Wednesday morning, present to the
poor whites of the South, a well-digested scheme for the
reclamation of their ancient rights and prerogatives, and,

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on the Thursday following, slavery in the United States will be worth absolutely less than nothing; for then, besides be ing so vile and precarious that nobody will want it, it will be a lasting reproach to those in whose hands it is lodged.

Were it not that other phases of the subject admonish us to be economical of space, we could suggest more than a dozen different plans, either of which, if scrupulously carried out, would lead to a wholesome, speedy, and per fect termination of slavery, Under all the circumstances, difficult however, it might be diferent for us-perhaps it would not be the easiest thing in the world for any body elseto suggest a better plan than the one above. Let it, or one embodying its principal features, be adopted forthwith, and the last wail of slavery will soon be heard, growing fainter and fainter, till it dies utterly away, to be succeeded by the jubilant shouts of emancipated millions.

Henceforth, let it be distinctly understood that ownership in slaves constitutes ineligibility--that it is a crime, as we verily believe it is, to vote for a slavocrat for any office whatever. Indeed, it is our honest conviction that all the pro-slavery slaveholders, who are alone responsible for the continuance of the baneful institution among us, deserve to be at once reduced to a parallel with the basest criminals that lie fettered within the cells of our public prisons. Beyond the power of computation is the extent of the moral, social, civil, and political evils which they have brought, and are still bringing, on the country. Were it possible that the whole number could be gathered together and transformed into four equal gangs of licensed robbers, ruffians, thieves, and murderers, society, we feel assured,

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would suffer less from their atrocities then than it does now. Let the wholesome public sentiment of the nonslaveholders be vigilant and persevering in bringing them down to their proper level. Long since, and in the most unjust and cruel manner, have they socially outlawed the non-slaveholders; now security against further oppression, and indemnity for past grievances, make it incumbent on the non-slaveholders to cast them into the identical pit that they dug for their betters-thus teaching them how to catch a Tartar!

At the very moment we write, as has been the case ever since the United States have had a distinct national existence, and as will always continue to be the case, unless right triumphs over wrong, all the civil, political, and other offices, within the gift of the South, are filled with negronursed incumbents from the ranks of that execrable band of misanthropes-three hundred and forty-seven thousand in number-who, for the most part, obtain their living by breeding, buying and selling slaves. The magistrates in the villages, the constables in the districts, the commissioners of the towns, the mayors of the cities, the sheriffs of the counties, the judges of the various courts, the members of the legislatures, the governors of the States, the representatives and senators in Congress-are all slaveholders. Nor does the catalogue of their usurpations end here. Through the most heart-sickening arrogance and bribery, they have obtained control of the General Government, and all the consuls, ambassadors, envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary, who are chosen from the South, and commissioned to foreign countries, are

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