Canadian exports to the United States, $37,304,036; imports from the United States, $3c,644,285.

The recollection of the good times enjoyed then discredits the Tory alarms of the consequence of easier intercourse between the two countries; and the simultaneous vaunts of the marvelous success of Canadian manufactures under the national policy causes unprejudiced thinkers to conclude that they should now be able to stand all Yankee competition.

Most Canadians, however, believe their neighbors committed a mistake in refusing to renew the old reciprocity treaty, and further, showed bad generalship in the tactics employed to secure the annexation of Canada. Government organs, like the Montreal Gazette, fairly gloat over the recent utterances of Minister Bayard, admitting that such was the object of American policy since the expiration of the treaty, that it had failed, and so forth. This, with recent United States advances towards a new reciprocity treaty, or free trade, has given these oracles a grand text for the glorification of their leaders, who originated the national policy of protection and retaliation, with other projects. "Did we not tell you," is the incessant song at present, "that this policy of self-respect, self-defense, and friendly adherence to the mother country, with the energetic pushing of our trade in all directions, would enable us to do well without a treaty-in fact, that it would bring the Americans to their senses in a very short time?" They, however, favor reciprocity, which, they say, does not menace British connection or endanger the complete control of the tariff and finances, as would commercial union.

Sir Richard Cartwright, finance minister in the Mackenzie Liberal administration from 1873 to 1878, and one of the best financiers in the Dominion, who is practically now joint leader of his party since Honorable Edward Blake's retirement, in a recent speech to his constituents in Ingersoll, Ontario, let a flood of light upon the sentiments of a great portion of the people, on this subject. With regard to the danger of annexation, he says: "There is a risk, and I cannot overlook it. But it is a choice of risks, and our present position is anything but one of stable equilibrium. Without Manitoba and the maritime provinces we cannot maintain ourselves as a dominion. And looking to their present tempers and condition, and more especially to the financial results of confederation in the maritime provinces, I say deliberately that the refusal or failure to secure free trade with the United States is much more likely to bring about just such a political crisis as these parties affect to dread, than even the very closest commercial connection which can be conceived."

The upholders of the present state of things, then, have a difficult task

on hand, to satisfy not only the farmers and other interests in the chief provinces, Quebec and Ontario, but the maritime provinces as well. So the hideous spectre of annexation looms up in whatever direction the Tory looks. With commercial union it is certain, without it, sure. What is to be done? The Dominion cannot exist, or dream of competing with the United States, without a seaboard like the maritime provinces; and Nova Scotia in the first instance, when led by the late Hon. Joseph Howe, was dragged into the confederation against her will. Nor has she ever ardently admired it, her regard certainly not augmenting with the termination of the reciprocity treaty. The people of those provinces have felt severely the loss of their former convenient and profitable Eastern States market for fish and farm products, not to speak of the irritation and danger connected with the fisheries dispute.

To the west, also, our neighbors have experienced trouble lately, Manitoba being mutinous about the refusal of the Dominion government to allow her a railroad in the Red River Valley to connect with the Northern Pacific at the boundary. The persistence of the provincial government in the scheme, which American capitalists and railroad men have undertaken to carry to a very early completion, must prove another source of danger to the union. Of course, with either the eastern or western provinces, including British Columbia, seceding, either to stand alone, or join the United States, the knell of confederation would be rung; the remaining provinces could hardly hope to maintain a separate existence before this Republic. Her resources and present immense attractions further greatly increased, British provinces on either side of Lake Superior could not fail to perceive it to their solid advantage to cast in their lot with the greater and richer union to the south.

Another most menacing rock ahead of the actual Canadian system, and particularly of the Ottawa administration, is the attitude of the different provincial governments, which have just closed their conference at Quebec. Its importance is apparent from the fact that the premier of the Liberal administration of Ontario presided, the meeting having been called by the Quebec Liberal cabinet, Manitoba, Prince Edward's Island, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia being all represented by local ministers. The last province has already declared in favor of secession if not granted more subsidy. This conference has pronounced in favor of more provincial authority, increased subsidies from the Dominion government and unrestricted reciprocity with the United States. Could anything be more serious in the prospects of the Dominion rulers? Those provinces are too strong to be despised or neglected by such a youthful political weak

ling as the Dominion government, the central power, which cannot exist without their support. Indeed, the withdrawal of either Quebec's or Ontario's aid would destroy the organization to-morrow. If the needy provinces refuse to cut down expenses, and insist upon more revenue from Ottawa, a crisis is inevitable. The difficulties and costs of the petty half-breed struggle in Manitoba forbid, in thunder tones, any thought of fighting any more provinces for party objects or political theories.

Much has been made of Mr. Chamberlain's rebuking aspect towards the commercial unionists, and threats of British abandonment of Canada in the event of her giving the Republic the “inside place" in her dealings. The Tories enjoy this hugely while denouncing and lamenting the faintest prospect of sacrificing Canadian autonomy, or Canadian nationality. They say, such baseness, such political suicide would be inexpressibly wicked and degrading! But such horror and offended virtue show too much the air of the stage to do more than amuse the public. Of course the men in power at Ottawa, with their numerous relations and dependents, would like things to continue as they are, with true Tory instinct dreading all change which may lead to their own displacement and discredit.

But it is difficult, on calmly considering the state of the country, the party feeling in its different provinces, the numerous signs of discontent and unrest apparent, to avoid the conclusion that the Dominion is on the eve of momentous changes as regards her financial and commercial policy, and perhaps, also, her constitutional system.

L'Electeur, a Quebec City paper, illustrates the sentiments of no mean section of the French Canadians on the subject of Imperial Federation as follows: "If there be any question of choosing between being swamped one way or the other, we would prefer the American gulf and the being swallowed up in a population of sixty millions, to being absorbed into an empire on which the sun never sets, and whose inhabitants, as innumerable as the sands of the sea-shore, are counted by hundreds of millions. Such would be the fate reserved to us by the Tory school, the admirers and upholders of the odious project of Imperial Federation."

The representatives of the five chief provinces of the Dominion, at the Interprovincial conference in Quebec above alluded to, would have totally failed in fairly echoing the sentiments of their inhabitants had they pronounced in favor of any other resolution than that of Unrestricted Reciprocity. Many people from these several provinces feel a strong desire for such a change, but it was believed that tentative proceedings, mutual consultations, and abundant deliberation among local governments would have first been essayed before the adoption of a policy so bold and signifi

cant, in face of Great Britain and the United States. But here is the venturesome step taken by the ministers of the great leading provinces of Ontario and Quebec, as well as by those of the smaller and poorer, but also very important maritime provinces, the seaboard of the Confederation. Without an ocean front, with its winter ports, the Dominion could not long maintain an independent position, or resist the immense and varied attractions of her richer, more populous and powerful maritime neighbor to the south. The stagnant condition of trade, east and west, the prolonged depression of the greatest interests, including the agricultural and lumbering, with the consequent increase of debt and poverty among the masses, have urged some remedy, even though radical, which the provin cial rulers evinc | enough patriotism-aye, and humanity as well—to practically take in and. The Canadians will be absorbed in the enterprise, upon which not only their industrial but their political future will depend. Here is a fresh, a live, a practical question with which to test the wisdom and virtue of the rival parties, and the right decision of which would remove from the path of the Dominion present obstacles and perils, while insuring her prospects of peace and progress, that would rapidly attract the means and population requisite to her early and effective development.

The social no less than the business connections of the two nations constantly extending, the present does seem a most favorable occasion for the termination of old disputes, the cultivation of the kindliest feeling on both sides, and the establishment of a system of commercial intercourse embodying the best possible guarantees for the future peace and prosperity of the two great kindred nations, so much alike in origin, experience and probable destiny. Let any changes favor their nearer approach, instead of their further separation! It cannot be doubted that the termination of the fisheries trouble with the conclusion of a reciprocity treaty, no more liberal than even the last, would prove an important advance toward results in every way so noble and desirable.

Prosper Bender

BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS.

SAMUEL CARPENTER THE ELDER, 1649-1714

LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR AND TREASURER OF PENNSYLVANIA

THE history of the trials and vicissitudes of the men who founded and settled the thirteen colonies in America should be of the deepest interest to every true American, and a faithful record of their lives will eventually find its way into every household. In presenting to the readers of the Magazine the sixth of my series of biographical sketches of eminent colonial and Revolutionary worthies, I shall trace the leading features in the life and services of one who was prominent in the early settlement and development of Pennsylvania; a man whose name will be found connected not only with the laws which governed the people of those days, but with every literary, scientific, and educational movement of his time.

Samuel Carpenter was born in the year 1649. The place of his birth is in doubt. Gen. Wm. H. H. Davis, the historian of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, states that he came from Surrey, England. It does not follow, however, that it was his birth-place, nor do we think he was living there prior to 1673, for the simple reason, that we have in our possession a work published in 1673 (London) entitled "A Geographical Discription of England, Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and the Colonies in North America," in the back of which is a list of all the nobility and gentry of England and Wales, arranged alphabetically by counties. No such name as that of Carpenter appears in the list of Surrey. Now, Samuel Carpenter was a gentleman entitled to bear arms, as appears from Mr. C. P. Smith's Genealogy of the Carpenter and Lloyd families. They are as follows: "Paly of Six, argent and gules, on a chevron sable," Crest three plates argent charged with a crosspatte gules, Crest "a demi-lion rampant sable, ducally crowned or." Now these arms, in 1673, belonged to but two families; first, the Carpenters of Tillington, Herefordshire, and second, to the Carpenters of Barbadoes, to which latter family Samuel Carpenter belonged. One of the Carpenters of Tillington, George, became a lieut.-general and governor of Minorca, created a peer of Ireland, as Baron Carpenter of Killaghy, County of Kilkenny, May 29, 1719. His grandson, George, 3d baron, was created Viscount Carlingford and Earl of Tyrconnel, May 1st, 1761. These dignities expired with John Delaval Carpenter, 4th Earl, who died June