and pronounce an opinion upon the subject. ernment were repeatedly warned of the But after the resignation of the Ministry danger they would incur if they should had been accepted by the Queen, and they venture to bring forward such a project. were holding office only until their suc- Since the Episcopal Church in Ireland had cessors were appointed, they issued what been deprived of its endowments, which they called 'a supplementary charter,' which had been devoted to teaching Protestantcompletely subverted the constitution of ism in churches, it was extremely imthe Queen's University, rearranged the probable that the people of Great Britain Board of Management to meet the views of would consent to grant endowments to the the Ultramontane party, and 'affiliated' Romish Church for teaching Popery in Maynooth and the Roman Catholic Univer- colleges, and at the same time indoctrinatsity in Dublin with the Queen's Colleges ing its pupils with the notion that science under this new Senate. The Supreme is identical with infidelity, freedom with Court in Dublin, however, pronounced the supplementary charter illegal, and the attempt to alter the constitution of the university was thus frustrated. Undeterred by the failure of their predecessors in office, the Conservative Government entered into negotiations with the Roman Catholic hierarchy for a charter and an annual grant from the public funds to the university, which had been established in Dublin by a papal rescript; but the exorbitant demands of the bishops, and the threatened opposition of a large body both of Liberals and Conservatives, compelled the Ministry to lay the scheme aside.

The disestablishment of the Irish Church might have been expected to put an end to Mr. Gladstone's schemes for the subversion of the undenominational system of University education in Ireland, but this proved not to be the case. He resisted Mr. Fawcet's motion for liberalizing Trinity College, Dublin, on the ground that it would not satisfy the demands of the Roman Catholics, and he made it known that he was still bent on carrying out his favourite scheme of including the Queen's Colleges, Trinity College, Dublin, and the various Romish seminaries in Ireland, in one body placed under the government of a University Board, in which should be vested the exclusive authority to examine candidates and confer degrees. It was not, however, until 1873 that Mr. Gladstone had an opportunity of laying his scheme before Parliament. During the interval the Gov

anarchy, and that civilization and human progress are hostile to the highest interests of humanity. Scotland with one voice forbade the adoption of such a system; all true English Liberals forbade it; all that is free and independent in Ireland forbade it; and it was certain that no support would be given to it by the Conservatives, who would, without doubt, avail themselves of the opportunity to overthrow the Ministry. This state of feeling was brought under the notice of the Premier, and he was assured that in the opinion of the most sagacious and steadfast friends of the Government, if he should renew his attempt to tamper with the national colleges in the hope of conciliating the Romish priesthood, he would assuredly make shipwreck of his Administration and seriously deteriorate his personal influence.

The warning, however, was disregarded. On the 14th of February, 1873, Mr. Gladstone submitted his long-projected scheme to the House of Commons. Ireland had at this time two Universities-that of Trinity College, Dublin, which had always been under Protestant management, though its classes were open to Roman Catholic students, and the Queen's University, instituted in connection with the four Queen's Colleges for secular instruction, in which the professorships and benefits of every kind were open to persons of all denominations. At the outset the Roman Catholic bishops expressed their cordial approval of this system, but on the introduction of the

Ultramontane policy into Ireland the colleges | university. The governing body of the were placed under the ban of the hierarchy. university was to be composed, in the first Ireland, it was said, 'has a right to Catholic instance, of twenty-eight members nomineducation, which is indispensably necessary ated by the crown, and included in the for the faith and morals of the Catholic Act. Provision was made for filling up people.' The avowed object of the priests vacancies, and in addition to the ordinary was to bring about the overthrow of the members, one or two members of council. National System, and to replace it with 'a were to be elected by the affiliated colleges, system of education Catholic in all its according to the number of pupils in each branches-primary, intermediate, and uni- college. A portion of the revenues of versity'-in which the managers, teachers, Trinity College was to be appropriated to inspectors, books, 'practices of piety,' and the support of the new institution, which symbols shall be exclusively Catholic-all, was also to obtain a grant from the conof course, maintained by grants from the solidated fund and a share of the surplus Treasury. Instead, therefore, of attempting of the endowments of the disestablished to affiliate the Roman Catholic seminaries | Irish Church. to the Queen's University, they demanded a charter for the Dublin University, and liberal grants of public money to augment the salaries of the professors, to provide bursaries for the students, to purchase books for the college libraries, and a scientific apparatus for the class-rooms. Mr. Gladstone was quite well aware that his scheme would meet with the most determined opposition from the Irish Protestants and the English and Scottish Nonconformists, to whom the endowment of Popery in the college is quite as obnoxious as the endowment of Popery in the church. He could not have expected any material support from the Conservatives, and he must have known that it was doubtful whether the Romish bishops would consent to accept his proposals as an instalment of their claims; but he nevertheless persisted in pressing his scheme on the Legislature and the country.

He proposed to create one central university for Ireland, and to make it both a teaching and an examining body. Trinity College, the Queen's Colleges of Cork and Belfast, and the Dublin Roman Catholic University were to be affiliated with the new university. The Queen's College at Galway was to be abolished. The theological faculty of Trinity College was to be transferred to the disestablished Church of Ireland. Moral philosophy and modern history were not to be taught in the new

It soon appeared that the warning Mr. Gladstone had received as to the unfriendly reception which his scheme would meet with had been greatly understated. The opposition of the Irish Protestants, the Nonconformists, the Senatus of the Dublin University, and the friends of the higher education in Ireland might have been expected, but 'the unkindest cut of all' was the hostility of the Irish Roman Catholic members, whose votes against the Government showed the truth of what has been often said of them, that consistency, gratitude, or regard for the interests of their country, and for their professed political principles, are but as dust in the balance when set against the dictates of the Vatican and the promotion of the Papal policy. No Prime Minister that had ever presided over the Government of this country had ever done half as much to redress their grievances and to obtain for them entire equality with other sects as Mr. Gladstone had done. He had perilled office, power, and even reputation in the cause of the Irish Romanists. And yet now in his hour of need, at a time when he had put all at stake to do them service, they deliberately joined the ranks of his enemies because he refused to comply with demands unreasonable in themselves, and which it was out of his power to grant.

The defection of the Irish members

caused the rejection of the University Bill | addition to the duties of First Lord of the Treasury. Mr. Childers resigned the office of Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and was replaced by Mr. Bright, whose health had now been restored. These various changes, however, did not strengthen

by a majority of three-287 having voted against the second reading, 284 for it but no power or skill could have forced that measure through Parliament. The members who voted for it gave it their support merely to save the Government the public confidence in the Ministry, and from defeat, with the confident expectation that it would be immediately thrown aside. The blow was fatal to the stability and prestige, though not immediately to the existence, of the Ministry. Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues tendered their resignation, and the Queen sent for Mr. Disraeli, but he wisely declined to accept office at that juncture. He had experienced the humiliation endured by a Minister who holds office without power to carry out his policy, and he resolved to wait until the tide which had set in against the Government should have reached its height. Mr. Gladstone, though anxious to get free from the responsibilities of office, was obliged to return to his place and to carry on the administration of affairs as he best could with diminished power and discredited influence. He was still, however, supported by a large majority in the House of Commons, though now reduced in number and still more in unanimity and cordiality of action.

During the autumn the Premier made an attempt to give unity and strength to his Ministry by rearranging several offices. Mr. Monsell, who had renounced Protestantism, and whose presence in the Administration had been a source of weakness and distrust, was shelved with a peerage, and Mr. Lyon Playfair, who had opposed the University Bill, succeeded him in the office of Postmaster-General. Mr. Bruce was elevated to the Upper House, and made President of the Council in the room of the Marquis of Ripon. He was replaced at the Home Office by Mr. Lowe, whose administrative miscarriages and personal unpopularity had not been counterbalanced by any brilliant financial achievements. Mr. Gladstone, as we have seen, took upon himself the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer in

seat after seat was lost to them at byelections. The defeat of the Liberal candidate for a Gloucestershire borough, which had repeatedly oscillated between the two parties, at last proved too much for Mr. Gladstone's forbearance, and to the astonishment of his friends, of his opponents, and of his own colleagues, a fortnight before the day appointed for the opening of the session of 1874, he announced the immediate dissolution of Parliament. He at the same time, in a lengthened address to the electors of Greenwich, submitted to the constituencies an elaborate financial scheme for the abolition of the Income-tax and a contribution from the national revenue in aid of local rates. It was impossible to give a careful and deliberate consideration to such proposals in the midst of the din of a fiercely-contested election, and nothing has since been heard of them; but the precedent of including a budget in an election address is not likely to be repeated.

The rash and ill-advised step taken by Mr. Gladstone met with universal disapproval, and was followed by ruinous consequences to his Administration and his supporters. The Liberal party, taken quite at unawares, without organization or any definite object or measure round which they could rally, were totally unprepared for a struggle with a compact and well-drilled body of opponents. Divisions in their own ranks handed over a considerable number of seats to the Conservatives. Others were lost by the unpopularity of their candidates or by local questions. The result was, much to the general surprise, to sweep away completely the Liberal majority-to reverse the balance of power, and to send to the House of Commons a majority of fifty or sixty Conservatives. Mr. Gladstone

became Lord Chancellor, and Earl Derby was made Foreign Secretary. The charge of the Indian Department was intrusted to the Marquis of Salisbury, Lord Carnarvon was appointed Colonial Secretary, Sir Stafford Northcote, who had at one time been Private Secretary to Mr. Gladstone, became Chancellor of the Exchequer. Somewhat to the surprise of the public, Mr. Cross, a Lancashire lawyer, who was new to office, was elevated to the position of Home Secretary, Mr. Gathorne Hardy was made Secretary for War, and Mr. Ward Hunt First Lord of the Admiralty. The Duke of Richmond, a cautious and inoffensive nobleman, of moderate abilities but sadly deficient in firmness, became Lord President of the Council and leader of the Government in the House of Lords.

would have done well to have pondered the | Disraeli as Prime Minister. Lord Cairns judicious remarks of Sir Robert Peel, in his 'Memoirs' (ii. 44)—' I was no advocate for frequent or abrupt dissolutions. I had more than once had occasion to express in Council my distrust in them as remedies for the weakness of a Government, constantly bearing in mind the remark of Lord Clarendon at the commencement of his "History of the Rebellion" upon the evil effects of an ill-considered exercise of this branch of the prerogative. "No man," says he, can show me a source from whence these waters of bitterness we now taste have more probably flowed than from these unreasonable, unskilful, and precipitate dissolutions of Parliament." And again-"The passion and distemper gotten and received into Parliament cannot be removed and reformed by the mere passionate breaking and dissolving of it." The step taken by the Government,' it was justly said, 'was extremely analogous to the false tactical operation of the Emperor Napoleon and Marshal MacMahon when they resolved, in presence of a powerful invasion, to make a flank movement to the north-east of France instead of concentrating their forces and awaiting an attack, war having been declared with a very imperfect knowledge of the relative strength of the belligerents. The result in both instances was the loss not only of a battle but of an army.' In the hour of their unpopularity it seemed to be forgotten that Mr. Gladstone and his colleagues had been the successful authors of five or six measures of first-rate legislative importance-the Disestablishment of the Church of Ireland, the Irish Land Act, the Abolition of Purchase in the Army, the Education Act, the Judicature Act, and the Ballot Act. They left the country at peace and in a state of great prosperity, and handed over to their successors a surplus of several millions in the Treasury.

On the conclusion of the elections Mr. Gladstone at once resigned office, and a new Administration was formed, with Mr.

Mr. Disraeli had already filled three parts-those of a political Free Lance, a leader of an Opposition, and the leader of a Ministry supported by a minority in the House of Commons. He had now to fill the part of a Minister supported by a large and docile majority in both Houses of Parliament, enjoying at the same time the cordial good-will of the Crown and the Court. He had conducted the affairs of his party in Opposition with consummate ability and tact, and had shown himself a master of all the arts of political strategy and warfare; but with all these advantages at his command, and supported by able and experienced colleagues, the business of Parliament under his management fell into a state of great confusion. He occupied himself chiefly with foreign affairs, and with what he regarded as an Imperial policy. Domestic matters were for the most part left to the heads of departments, whose measures were not regarded with much favour by the public, or in some cases even by their own party, and had to be withdrawn. But these questions can scarcely as yet be said to belong to the domain of history, and to discuss them is like walking over the ashes of hidden fires.

CHAPTER XV.

Policy of the new Government-The Slave Circular-The Suez Canal-State of Turkey, Servia, and Montenegro-Insurrection in Herzegovina-The Berlin Memorandum-The Bulgarian Atrocities-Agitation in Britain-Russian Intrigues-Declaration of War by Servia-Pledge given by the Czar-Conference at Constantinople-Rejection of its Proposals by the Porte-War proclaimed by Russia-Progress of the War in Armenia and on the Danube-Turkish Disasters retrieved at the close of the Campaign-The Shipka Pass-Position at Plevna-Failure of Russian Attacks upon it-Change of Tactics-Surrender of Osman Pasha-Turkish Defeats in Armenia-Capture of Kars-Evacuation of Erzeroum-Action of the British Ministry-The Fleet sent to the Dardanelles-Submission of the PorteTreaty of San Stefano-Proceedings of the British Ministry-Resignation of Lord Derby-The Berlin Congress-Its Results-Secret Agreement between Britain and Turkey-Cession of Cyprus to Britain-State of Feeling in the Country-Death and Character of Earl Russell.

It soon became evident that the new Prime | garded as a well-timed and judicious Minister did not intend to devote much stroke of policy for the protection of attention to questions of domestic legisla- | British interests in the management of a tion, but that he had resolved to carry out, canal which now forms the highway to on a great scale, measures for extending the India. Mr. Disraeli and one or two of his influence of Britain on the Continent and colleagues, however, chose to represent the in Asia. The first step taken by the Gov- purchase as part of a grand scheme for the ernment, however, brought upon them no aggrandizement of British power and pressmall odium. An elaborate circular on tige in the East. The addition of Empress Fugitive Slaves was issued, which directed of India to the titles of the Queen was commanders of the Queen's ships not only alleged to have a similar intention, but to refuse an asylum to slaves in foreign public feeling ran so strong against the waters, but to surrender, on their return to assumption of this tinsel designation, that a port, fugitives who might have come on provision had to be put into the Act against board on the high seas. This unfortunate its use in the United Kingdom. document, which apparently implied that an English man-of-war was subject to foreign jurisdiction, and flagrantly disregarded the national antipathy to slavery, was denounced by the whole community, and after a futile attempt to amend it, had to be withdrawn.

The Eastern question had for some time been apparently at rest, but it now became evident that it was about to be revived. The Crimean War had afforded a breathing time for Turkey for her muchneeded political and social reforms, but she had not availed herself of the favourable The purchase of the shares which the opportunity. The large sums of money Khedive of Egypt held in the Suez Canal, which she had borrowed from British capifor £4,000,000 sterling, was a much more talists had been squandered in extravagance successful stroke of policy, and took every- and vicious indulgences. The populations one by surprise. It was at once received in the various provinces misgoverned by the with loud and general approbation, though Porte had repeatedly risen in insurrection the Liberal leaders objected both to the against their oppressors, and had been put purchase and to the mode in which it was down with the most shocking cruelty. The completed. But though the public enthu-Sick Man's' condition seemed more hopesiasm on the subject speedily subsided, and less than ever, and the vultures were once at one time considerable dissatisfaction was more preparing to devour the carcase. expressed respecting the result of the trans-Russia,' as Lord Palmerston said, 'has action, it has come to be generally re- always, from the time of Peter the Great,