on Monday, May 7th, their Bill for the redistribution of seats, and also their Bills dealing with the representation of Scotland and Ireland, so that the whole of the Government scheme of Reform was now before the House; but the opposition of the dissatisfied members was in no degree diminished. The Conservative party, who at this time were decidedly hostile in principle to any attempt to lower the franchise, were joined by a section of the Liberals who on this point coincided with their sentiments. Their leader was Mr. Robert Lowe, who had been Vice-President of the Council in Lord Palmerston's Administration, and had resigned his office in consequence of an adverse vote of the House of Commons, which was afterwards acknowledged to have been entirely undeserved, and was in consequence rescinded. He was an able and accomplished man, but hard, cynical, and sarcastic, and seemed to take delight in making unpleasant remarks, and giving pain to his opponents. His speeches had no pretensions to eloquence, but they abounded in pungent, pointed, epigrammatic sayings, easily remembered and quoted. There is no reason to doubt that he honestly hated the Reform Bill, as calculated to strengthen the Democratic party in the country, and to put great power into the hands of political demagogues and banded unions.' United with him was Mr. Horsman, nephew of the Earl of Stair, who had at one time been Chief Secretary for Ireland, and might have risen to even higher office but for an irritable temper and impracticable disposition. Speaking of him Mr. Bright said— "The right honourable gentleman is the first of the new party who has expressed his great grief, who has entered into what may be called his political cave of Adullam, and he has called about him everyone that was in distress, and everyone that was discontented.* He has long been anxious to form a party in this House. There is scarcely anyone on this side of the House who is able to part in our debates, whom he has not tried to address the House with effect, or to take much bring over to his party or cabal, and at last he has succeeded in hooking the member for Calne [Mr. Lowe]. I know there was an opinion expressed many years ago by a member of the Treasury Bench and of the Cabinet that two men would make a party. When a party is formed of two men so amiable, so discreet, as the two right honourable gentlemen, we may hope to see for the first time in Parliament a party perfectly harbroken trust. But there is one difficulty which it monious and distinguished by mutual and unis impossible to remove. This party of two reminds me of the Scotch terrier which was so covered with hair that you could not tell which was the head and which was the tail of it.' The party thus humorously described and designated speedily received considerable accessions from the Palmerstonian Whigs who thought the Bill unreasonable, or who were averse to the disfranchisement of the smaller boroughs, or who dreaded the expense and risk of a new election. The position taken up by this section of the Ministerialists encouraged the Conservatives to exert themselves to the utmost to get rid of the Bill, and thus to destroy the Government. The two parties combined, however, did not venture to propose in direct terms that the Bill should be thrown out, but they sought to bring about its rejection in a sinister and circuitous way. The Government acceded to a proposition that the Franchise and Redistribution Bills should be combined and submitted to one Committee. Amendments to the motion to go into Committee, however, kept pouring in, principally from the Adullamites. Sir R. Knightley moved that it be an instruction. to the Committee to make provision for the better prevention of bribery and corruption, and carried his motion against the Government by a majority of ten, though its real * Mr. Bright's allusion was to 1 Sam. xxii. 1,2, 'David Mr. Lowe and Mr. Horsman had not, as Mr. Bright escaped to the cave of Adullam, and everyone that was said, 'been left out of the daily ministrations' when in distress, and everyone that was in debt, and every- the Government was constituted, their opposition to one that was discontented, gathered themselves unto the Bill would have been less acrimonious. The name him, and he became a captain over them.' It was of Adullamites, which they received, is likely to become shrewdly suspected and alleged at the time that if | permanent in the political history of our country. and scarcely concealed object was to destroy the Bill. When the Bill at last got into Committee the strife was renewed more keenly than ever. Lord Stanley moved that the clauses relating to the county franchise should be postponed until the redistribution of seats should first have been dealt with, but the motion was rejected by a majority of twenty-seven. Mr. Walpole proposed that the county franchise should be fixed at £20 instead of £14, but his amendment was negatived by a majority of fourteen. Mr. Ward Hunt moved that in defining the county franchise, rating should be made the standard of value instead of rental, but his motion was lost by 280 votes to 273. Lord Dunkellin, eldest son of the Marquis of Clanricarde, on the 18th of June made a similar proposal respecting the borough franchise. He pleaded that rating should be substituted for rental, on the ground that the alteration would prove an insurmountable 'barrier to universal suffrage,' while it would admit the best qualified of the working class to the suffrage. It would, however, have had the practical effect of raising the franchise to £8 instead of £6. After a keen debate a division was taken in a House of 619 members, and the amendment was carried by a majority of eleven. The announcement was received with the most tumultuous demonstrations of joy by the Conservatives and their allies. Lord Russell's scheme of Reform and his Ministry thus came to an end together. The Derby Administration-Popular agitation on the subject of a Reform Bill-The Hyde Park Riot-London Meeting in support of Reform-Laying of the Cable between Europe and America-Position of the Government in the House of Commons-Their resolution to deal with the Reform Question-Their mode of procedure-Dissatisfaction of the HouseThe Ten Minutes Bill-Resignation of three Members of the Cabinet-Provisions of the Bill ultimately introducedThe Compound Householder-The Tea-room Party-Changes made in the Reform Bill-New Constituencies-The 'Conservative Surrender'-Reception of the Bill by the Lords-Their amendments rejected by the Commons-The Bill becomes Law-Changes made by it in the Representative System-The Education' of the Conservative PartyAutumn Session of Parliament-The Abyssinian Captives-Expedition sent for their release-The Irish QuestionMr. Maguire's Motion-Mr. Gladstone's Resolutions-Lord Stanley's Amendment-Return of the Abyssinian Expedition-Death and Character of Lord Brougham-Dissolution of Parliament-Resignation of the Ministry—Mr. Ğladstone's Administration. was prorogued by Commission, with the usual formalities, on the 10th of August. On the resignation of the Russell Adminis- | as speedily as possible, and the Parliament tration, the Queen intrusted Lord Derby with the task of forming a new Ministry. It was generally understood that owing to his advanced age and infirm health, and his aversion to the labours and responsibilities of official life, he was reluctant to undertake the task imposed upon him, but fidelity to his party, as well as the duty he owed to his sovereign and to the country, left him no alternative. He attempted to form a Coalition Ministry, and solicited Mr. Lowe to become a member of the Cabinet, but the offer was declined, and the Adullamites publicly intimated that they were bound to prove that they had not been actuated by ambitious or selfish motives in overturning Earl Russell's Government. Lord Derby's new Ministry differed little from the one he had formed in 1852. Mr. Disraeli became once more Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the House of Commons, Lord Chelmsford was appointed Lord Chancellor, Lord Stanley became Foreign Secretary, Lord Carnarvon Colonial Secretary, Mr. Walpole assumed the management of the Home Office, and Lord Cranbourne (formerly Lord Robert Cecil) was intrusted with the charge of the affairs of India. The Marquis of Abercorn, a popular Irish nobleman, was nominated Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and Lord Mayo Chief Secretary. The formation of the Ministry was not completed until the 9th of July. The business of the session was brought to a close While the Reform Bill was under discussion the people displayed the utmost indifference, but when Mr. Gladstone's unskilful strategy, and the divisions of the Liberal party, had proved fatal to the measure, the artisans of London and the great manufacturing towns met in vast numbers and denounced, in no measured terms, the members of Parliament who had persisted in withholding what they regarded as their rights. The Reformers of the metropolis resolved to hold a monster meeting in Hyde Park, which was to be presided over by Mr. Edmond Beales, president of the Reform League. The Government were of opinion that such an assemblage would be dangerous to the public peace, and a notice forbidding the meeting was issued, signed by Sir Richard Mayne, the head of the London Police. The council of the League, however, conceived that the authorities had no legal right to take this step, and they resolved to disregard the prohibition. Accordingly, on the 23rd of July, numerous processions, with banners and bands of music, marched towards Hyde Park, but found the gates closed. They made a formal demand for admission, which was refused, on the authority of the Chief Commissioner, by the police who guarded the Park. Mr. Beales and his friends then re-entered their car riage and proceeded to Trafalgar Square, followed by a large crowd. A meeting was held there in the most orderly manner, resolutions were passed in favour of the extension of the suffrage, along with votes of thanks to Messrs. Gladstone and Bright, who had so zealously exerted themselves in the cause. with the Queen for not affording some mark of recognition to the people who had gathered in large numbers in front of the Palace. I am not accustomed,' said the great orator, 'to stand up in defence of those who are possessors of crowns, but I could not sit and hear that observation without a sensation of pain. I think there has been by many persons great injustice done to the Queen in reference to her desolate widowed position; and I venture to say this, that a woman, be she the queen of a great realm, or be she the wife of one of your labouring men, who can keep alive in her heart a great sorrow for the lost object of her life and affection, is not at all wanting in a great and generous sympathy for you.' The tremendous burst of cheering with which these remarks were received showed that zeal for reform had in no way diminished the loyalty of the people, or the strength of their affection and sympathy for their widowed sovereign. Meantime a large and disorderly crowd, composed of London roughs and pickpockets, with a mixture of sightseers and mischievous youths, remained at the entrance to the Park, near Hyde Park Corner. They drove in the railings near the Marble Arch, which had not been very securely fixed, and easily overpowering the resistance offered by the comparatively small body of police, they poured tumultuously into the Park. They did a good deal of injury to the flowers and shrubs; several encounters took place with the police, and a few of the mob were made prisoners; but the tumult was speedily suppressed, and no serious mischief was done. It is alleged, however, that the Just before the adjournment of ParliaMinistry regarded the riot with great appre- ment (July 27th, 1866) an event took hension, and that it convinced them of the place which was at once a great scientific necessity of passing a measure of reform. exploit and an important social benefitIn the course of the autumn vast bodies of the laying of the cable between Europe and men were collected at Birmingham, Man- America. The attempt to unite the two chester, Leeds, Glasgow, and other seats of continents by means of inter-oceanic telemanufacturing and commercial industry, tography had been repeatedly made, but demand an extension of the suffrage. These hitherto without success. The first effort great open-air meetings were all peaceable and orderly, but considerable apprehensions were entertained that the march in military order of the organized working men's societies of London through the West End streets, which was announced to take place on the 3rd of December, might lead to dangerous disturbances. Their leaders boasted that their numbers would amount to 200,000, but it turned out that they did not exceed 25,000, and the procession was attended with no more serious inconvenience than the interruption for a day of public traffic and business. The meeting which was held at St. James' Hall, London, is noteworthy for the rebuke which Mr. Bright administered to Mr. Ayrton, who had found fault was made in 1857, but the cable broke when the vessels engaged in laying it had only got about 300 miles from the west coast of Ireland. Next year the enterprise was renewed, but was frustrated mainly by stormy weather. In the course of the summer another attempt was made, the cable was actually laid, and for a brief space communication between Europe and America was kept up. Queen Victoria congratulated the President of the United States upon the successful completion of the great international work,' and expressed her conviction that 'the President will unite with her in fervently hoping that the electric cable, which now connects Great Britain with the United States, will prove an additional link between the nations, whose | tion of Reform. Owing to the differences friendship is founded on their common of opinion that were well known to exist interests and reciprocal esteem.' There in the Cabinet, no steps were taken in were great rejoicings in both countries; but regard to this matter until the assembling the signals suddenly became faint, and the of Parliament was at hand, when Lord messages undecipherable, and the commu- Derby and Mr. Disraeli succeeded in pernication was speedily broken off. This suading their colleagues to allow them to much, however, had been gained, that introduce a measure which they declared though the construction of the cable had should be so framed as to strengthen rather been found defective, the practicability of than weaken the Conservative cause. Acthe project had been proved beyond doubt. | cordingly, when the Parliament opened on Another attempt made in 1865 also failed, February 5th, 1867, the speech from the but at last in 1866, by dint of great skill, throne intimated that the attention of patience, and perseverance, in spite of many Parliament would be again called to the difficulties, the enterprise was crowned with state of the representation of the people, success. Our shore end has just been laid,' and the hope was expressed, in terms the first telegram announced, and a most characteristically ambiguous, that their perfect cable, under God's blessing, com-deliberations, conducted in a spirit of pletes telegraphic communication between moderation and mutual forbearance, may England and the continent of America.' lead to the adoption of measures which, Very appropriately, one of the earliest without unduly disturbing the balance of messages was from the British sovereign. power, shall freely extend the elective 'The Queen congratulates the President on franchise.' the successful completion of an undertaking which she hopes may serve as an additional bond of union between the United States and England.' An answer was received breathing the same spirit-The President of the United States acknowledges with profound gratification the receipt of Her Majesty's despatch, and cordially reciprocates the hope that the cable that now unites the Eastern and Western hemispheres may serve to strengthen and perpetuate peace and amity between the Government of England and the Republic of the United States.' The agitation throughout the country, during the autumn and winter, on the question of Reform, had produced a great impression on the mind of the new Prime Minister. He was in a decided minority in the House of Commons, and was well aware that, as he owed his position to the dissensions of the Liberal members rather than to the strength of the Conservative party in the country, it would be impossible for him to retain office unless he could in some way get rid of the troublesome ques On the 11th of February Mr. Disraeli announced that the Government had resolved to proceed by way of resolution. He informed the House that Reform was no longer to be a question determining the fate of Ministers-in other words, that the Government had no fixed resolution on the subject. Their object was to bring out the prevailing intention or bias of the House, and this once ascertained the Ministry would conform to it, and make it the ground and measure of their plans. He gave it to be understood that the Bill was to be the Bill of the House of Commons rather than of the Government.* He thought that if the two parties would agree beforehand among themselves as to the sort of measure they wanted, the rest would be easy. No doubt this would have been the case, but it was a very chimerical *A picture in one of the comic journals represented a number of M.P.'s, with Russell and Bright at their head, thronging with eager curiosity to look at a large picture of Reform in a magnificent frame. Disraeli is standing on the other side, and with great solemnity and earnestness is drawing aside a curtain, revealing a perfectly blank canvas, which he invites them to fill up as they think best. |