Sailmakers, pay of, on shore duty..........................427 .422 Seamen, deficiency appropriation for.. appropriation for........ .419 ..401 assistant, bow appointed.... U. .423 .425 422 422, 423 425 .422 .423 .421 Pottawatomies, appropriations for the... ...406 .... ......420 Public Buildings, appropriations for, Capitol ex- tilles. appropriations for, in general....419, 420, 421 of. 416 Secretary, of the Interior, appropriations for office ....427 .416 Southwest Executive building, appropriations .418 ....428 .416 boundary of, with Great Britain, appropriation 429 Spy company, appropriation to pay services for running ..401 Weas, appropriation for the.. .405 421 .429 how many to be printed... for 1857-58... rate of pay of..... ...401 ..419 Public moneys, disbursing officers required to all, to be deposited.... 428 ..428) Public printing, appropriations for .....415, 417 .421 Register, appropriations for office of........416 by officers of Columbian Institution for Deaf, Axes, appropriations for the.......... 407 of.... ...414 State, Secretary of, appropriation for office of, 415 .421 his duties and pay. for..... .403 not to negotiate treaties unless instructed..408 .413 pay of, when acting as collectors... office of, northwest of Ohio, to be removed to act for relief of purchasers of, continued and T. ..410 Tariff-see Dulies. West Point-see Military Academy. .435 Chisholm, Robert, claim of.. ment of claim of, for mail services... . . .440 ..439 Clay, J. Randolph, payment to....... Crandall, Sarah, payment to children of... .430 Kendall, William, settlement of accounts of, 436 Jenkins, Benjamin W., claim of... Brodie, Lucretia A., payment to...... .440 .432 Indiana, allowance for furniture for court in, 431 ..437 433 Millett, Martin, preëmption entry of, confirmed, .435|| Missouri, allowance for furniture for court in, 431 ...435 ..432 Montgomery, Captain Alexander, settlement of J. .... .435 Mitchell, Edward, claim of.... .... 435 Mitchell, John, pension of . .435 ...... .440 accounts of ..... ...438 439 Moses, Isaac C, claim of..... ...435 ..435 ..435 ......440 ..439 Newell, Thomas M., settlement of accounts ..438 ..430 .442 Steele, Thomas B., payment to.... .439 .435 .437 payment to.. .435 payment of a commission to .435 Stevens, Robert H., pension of... .436 440 Stone, Mary, arrears of pension of......... ..439 Sturgis, William, authorized to enter certain Swinton, James, claim of.. T. Wimberly, Robert S..... Winship, Mary B.... Phelps, James, arrears of pension of. ... Phillips, Richard, pension of.. Puig, Mir & Co., released from two judgments, any amounts paid thereon to be refunded..440 || Redd, John T., permitted to enter certain land, Swain, Isaac, payment to........ 431 Reeside, Mary, payment to... Taliaferro, Hay T., released as surety of D. M. ..... Wilson, Jefferson, payment to, as administrator Steuart, Adam D., judgment against, remitted, Washington Insurance Company, charter of..433 Waterman, Charles, land title confirmed to...439 .435 .435 ..435 ..431 V. .435 ..441 431 .437 ..440 Wescoat, Randall, claim of.... .435 .435 Wescoat, William J., claim of. .435 .439 Whaley, Benjamin S., claim of. .435 Whaley, Edward, claim of... .435 435 Whaley, Joseph, claim of...... .435 White, Joseph, payment to.... .430 ..437 Wilkinson, Christopher, claim of. .435 ...441 Wilkinson, Morton, claim of... .435 ..435 Wilkinson, William, claim of... .435 APPENDIX TO THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE. This is the first number of the APPENDIX to the CONGRES constituencies of each State, so the President SIONAL GLOBE for this session--the third of the Thirty-represents the aggregate population of the United Fourth Congress. The work will be stereotyped, and therefore those who may subscribe hereafter, during this session, will get all the numbers; but after this session has ended, the price will be increased to such a sum as will pay for reprinting from the plates. The CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE and APPENDIX and LAWS will not be sold separately, as they were a few years ago. When separated they did not give general satisfaction, as a subscriber for one would frequently want the other when too late to furnish him with the back numbers. Therefore the CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE and the APPENDIX and the LAWS will all be sold together. A man who may think he has not the money to spare to purchase the whole, may get a club to join him. The price for the whole for this session is $3. They all go free by mail. MESSAGE OF THE States. Their election of him is the explicit and It is impossible to misapprehend the great prin- and grateful reverence of their children. They seek an object which they well know to be a revolutionary one. They are perfectly aware that the change in the relative condition of the white and black races in the slaveholding States, which they would promote, is beyond their lawful authority; that to them it is a foreign object; that it cannot be effected by any peaceful instrumentality of theirs; that for them, and the They have asserted the constitutional equality States of which they are citizens, the only path of each and all of the States of the Union as to its accomplishment is through burning cities, States; they have affirmed the constitutional and ravaged fields, and slaughtered populations, equality of each and all of the citizens of the and all there is most terrible in foreign, compliUnited States as citizens, whatever their religion,cated with civil and servile war; and that the wherever their birth, or their residence; they have maintained the inviolability of the constitutional rights of the different sections of the Union; and they have proclaimed their devoted and unalterable attachment to the Union and the Constitution, as objects of interest superior to all PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. subjects of local or sectional controversy, as the Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: The Constitution requires that the President shall, from time to time, not only recommend to the consideration of Congress such measures as he may judge necessary and expedient, but also that he shall give information to them of the state of the Union. To do this fully involves expositions of all matters in the actual condition of the country, domestic or foreign, which essentially concern the general welfare. While performing his constitutional duty in this respect, the President does not speak merely to express personal convictions, but as the executive minister of the Government, enabled by his position, and called upon by his official obligations, to scan with an impartial eye the interests of the whole and of every part of the United States. Of the condition of the domestic interests of the Union, its agriculture, mines, manufactures, navigation and commerce, it is necessary only to say that the internal prosperity of the country, its continuous and steady advancement in wealth and population, and in private as well as public well-being, attest the wisdom of our institutions, and the predominant spirit of intelligence and patriotism, which, notwithstanding occasional irregularities of opinion or action resulting from popular freedom, has distinguished and characterized the people of America. safeguard of the rights of all, as the spirit and the In doing this, they have, at the same time, Schemes of this nature, fraught with incalculable mischief, and which the considerate sense of the people has rejected, could have had countenance in no part of the country, had they not been disguised by suggestions plausible in appearance, acting upon an excited state of the public mind, induced by causes temporary in their character, and it is to be hoped transient in their influence. first step in the attempt is the forcible disruption of a country embracing in its broad bosom a degree of liberty, and an amount of individual and public prosperity, to which there is no parallel in history, and substituting in its place hostile governments, driven at once and inevitably into mutual devastation and fratricidal carnage, transforming the now peaceful and felicitous brotherhood into a vast permanent camp of armed men, like the rival monarchies of Europe and Asia. Well knowing that such, and such only, are the means and the consequences of their plans and purposes, they endeavor to prepare the people of the United States for civil war by doing everything in their power to deprive the Constitution and the laws of inoral authority, and to undermine the fabric of the Union by appeals to passion and sectional prejudice, by indoctrinating its people with reciprocal hatred, and by educating them to stand face to face as enemies, rather than shoulder to shoulder as friends. Perfect liberty of association for political objects and the widest scope of discussion are the received and ordinary conditions of government in our country. Our institutions, framed in the spirit of confidence in the intelligence and integ-porary fellowship with the avowed and active rity of the people, do not forbid citizens, either individually or associated together, to attack by writing, speech, or any other methods short of physical force, the Constitution and the very existence of the Union. Under the shelter of this great liberty, and protected by the laws and usages of the Government they assail, associa tions have been formed in some of the States of In the brief interval between the termination of the last and the commencement of the present session of Congress, the public mind has been occupied with the care of selecting, for another constitutional term, the President and Vice Pres-mestic institutions of existing States. To accomident of the United States. The determination of the persons, who are of right, or contingently, to preside over the administration of the Government, is, under our system, committed to the States and the people. We appeal to them, by their voice pronounced in the forms of law, to call whomsoever they will to the high post of Chief Magistrate. And thus it is, that as the Senators represent the respective States of the Union, and the members of the House of Representatives the several NEW SERIES-No. 1. individuals who, pretending to seek only to pre- It is by the agency of such unwarrantable interference, foreign and domestic, that the minds of many, otherwise good citizens, have been so inflamed into the passionate condemnation of the domestic institutions of the southern States, as at length to pass insensibly to almost equally passionate hostility towards their fellow-citizens of those States, and thus, finally, to fall into temenemies of the Constitution. Ardently attached to liberty in the abstract, they do not stop to consider practically how the objects they would attain can be accomplished, nor to reflect that, even if the evil were as great as they deem it, they have no remedy to apply, and that it can be only aggravated by their violence and unconstitutional action. A question which is one of the most difficult of all the problems of social institution, political economy, and statesmanship, they treat with unreasoning intemperance of thought and language. Extremes beget extremes. Violent attack from the North finds its inevitable consequence in the growth of a spirit of angry defiance at the South. Thus, in the progress of events, we had reached that consummation which the voice of the people has now so pointedly rebuked, of the attempt of a portion of the States, by a sectional organization and movement, to usurp the control of the Government of the United States. I confidently believe that the great body of those who inconsiderately took this fatal step are sincerely attached to the Constitution and the 34TH CONG....3D SESS. Union. They would, upon deliberation, shrink with unaffected horror from any conscious act of disunion or civil war. But they have entered into a path which leads nowhere, unless it be to civil war and disunion, and which has no other possible outlet. They have proceeded thus far in that direction in consequence of the successive stages of their progress having consisted of a series of secondary issues, each of which professed to be confined within constitutional and peaceful limits, but which attempted indirectly what few men were willing to do directly; that is, to act aggressively against the constitutional rights of nearly one half of the thirty-one States. In the long series of acts of indirect aggression, the first was the strenuous agitation, by citizens of the northern States, in Congress and out of it, of the question of negro emancipation in the southern States. The second step in this path of evil consisted of acts of the people of the northern States, and in several instances of their governments, aimed to facilitate the escape of persons held to service in the southern States, and to prevent their extradition when reclaimed according to law and in virtue of express provisions of the Constitution. To promote this object, legislative enactments and other means were adopted to take away or defeat rights which the Constitution solemnly guarantied. In order to nullify the then existing act of Congress concerning the extradition of fugitives from service, laws were enacted in many States forbidding their officers, under the severest penalties, to participate in the execution of any act of Congress whatever. In this way that system of harmonious cooperation between the authorities of the United States and of the several States for the maintenance of their common institutions, which existed in the early years of the|| Republic, was destroyed; conflicts of jurisdiction came to be frequent; and Congress found itself compelled, for the support of the Constitution and the vindication of its power, to authorize the appointment of new officers charged with the execution of its acts, as if they and the officers of the States were the ministers, respectively, of foreign Governments in a state of mutual hostility, rather than fellow magistrates of a common country, peacefully subsisting under the protection of one well-constituted Union. Thus here, also, aggression was followed by reaction; and the attacks upon the Constitution at this point did but serve to raise up new barriers for its defense and security. givers, with undue estimation of the value of the law they give, or in the view of imparting to it peculiar strength, make it perpetual in terms; but they cannot thus bind the conscience, the judgment, and the will of those who may suc ceed them, invested with similar responsibilities, and clothed with equal authority. More careful investigation may prove the law to be unsound in principle. Experience may show it to be imperfect in detail, and impracticable in execution. And then both reason and right combine not merely to justify, but to require its repeal. tive geographical line, was acquiesced in, rather than approved, by the States of the Union. It stood on the statute-book, however, for a number of years; and the people of the respective States acquiesced in the reenactment of the principle as applied to the State of Texas; and it was proposed to acquiesce in its further application to the territory acquired by the United States from Mexico. But this proposition was successfully resisted by the representatives from the northern States, who, regardless of the statute line, insisted upon applying restriction to the new territory generally, whether lying north or south of it, The Constitution, supreme as it is over all the thereby repealing it as a legislative compromise, departments of the Government, legislative, exand, on the part of the North, persistently vio-ecutive, and judicial, is open to amendment by lating the compact, if compact there was. its very terms; and Congress or the States may, in their discretion, propose amendment to it, solemn compact though it in truth is between the sovereign States of the Union. In the present instance, a political enactment, which had ceased to have legal power or authority of any kind, was repealed. The position assumed, that Congress had no moral right to enact such repeal, was strange enough, and singularly so in view of the fact that the argument came from those who openly refused obedience to existing laws of the land, having the same popular designation and quality as compromise acts-nay, more, who unequivocally disregarded and condemned the most positive and obligatory injunctions of the Constitution itself, and sought, by every means within their reach, to deprive a portion of their fellow-citizens of the equal enjoyment of those rights and privileges guarantied alike to all by the fundamental compact of our Union. Thereupon this enactment ceased to have binding virtue in any sense, whether as respects the North or the South; and so in effect it was treated on the occasion of the admission of the State of California, and the organization of the Territories of New Mexico, Utah, and Washington. had Such was the state of this question when the time arrived for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska. In the progress of constitutional inquiry and reflection, now at length come to be seen clearly that Congress does not possess constitutional power to impose restrictions of this character upon any present or future State of the Union. In a long series of decisions, on the fullest argument, and after the most deliberate consideration, the Supreme Court of the United States had finally determined this point in every form under which the question could arise, whether as affecting public or private rights-in questions of the public domain, of religion, of navigation, and of servitude. The several States of the Union are, by force of the Constitution, coequal in domestic legislative power. Congress cannot change a law of domestic relation in the State of Maine; no more can it in the State of Missouri. Any statute which proposes to do this is a mere nullity; it takes away no right, it confers none. If it remains on the statute-book unrepealed, it remains there only as a monument of error, and a beacon of warning to the legislator and the statesman. To repeal it will be only to remove imperfection from the statutes, without affecting, either in the sense of permission or of prohibition, the action of the States, or of their citizens. Still, when the nominal restriction of this nature, already a dead letter in law, was in terms repealed by the last Congress, in a clause of the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Ne wide-spread and dangerous agitation. It was alleged that the original enactment being a compact of perpetual moral obligation, its repeal constituted an odious breach of faith. The third stage of this unhappy sectional controversy was in connection with the organization of territorial governments, and the admission of new States into the Union. When it was pro-braska, that repeal was made the occasion of a posed to admit the State of Maine, by separation of territory from that of Massachusetts, and the State of Missouri, formed of a portion of the territory ceded by France to the United States, Representatives in Congress objected to the admission of the latter, unless with conditions suited to particular views of public policy. The imposition of such a condition was successfully resisted. But, at the same period, the question was presented of imposing restrictions upon the residue of the territory ceded by France. That question was, for the time, disposed of by the adoption of a geographical line of limitation. In this connection it should not be forgotten that when France, of her own accord, resolved, for considerations of the most far-sighted sagacity, to cede Louisiana to the United States, and that accession was accepted by the United States, the latter expressly engaged that "the inhabitants of the ceded Territory shall be incorporated in the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the mean time they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess"-that is to say, while it remains in a territorial condition, its inhabitants are maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, with a right then to pass into the condition of States on a footing of perfect equality with the original States. The enactment, which established the restric An act of Congress, while it remains unrepealed, more especially if it be constitutionally valid in the judgment of those public functionaries whose duty it is to pronounce on that point, is undoubtedly binding on the conscience of each good citizen of the Republic. But in what sense can it be asserted, that the enactment in question was invested with perpetuity and entitled to the respect of a solemn compact? Between whom was the compact? No distinct contending powers of the Government, no separate sections of the Union, treating as such, entered into treaty stipulations on the subject. It was a mere clause of an act of Congress, and, like any other controverted matter of legislation, received its final shape and was passed by compromise of the conflicting opinions or sentiments of the members of Congress. But if it had moral authority over men's consciences, to whom did this authority attach? Not to those of the North, who had repeatedly refused to confirm it by extension, and who had zealously striven to establish other and incompatible regulations upon the subject. And if, as it thus appears, the supposed compact had no obligatory force as to the North, of course it could not have any as to the South, for all such compacts must be mutual, and of reciprocal obligation It has not unfrequently happened that law This argument against the repeal of the statute line in question was accompanied by another of congenial character, and equally with the former destitute of foundation in reason and truth. It was imputed that the measure originated in the conception of extending the limits of slave labor beyond those previously assigned to it, and that such was its natural as well as intended effect; and these baseless assumptions were made, in the northern States, the ground of unceasing assault upon constitutional right. The repeal in terms of a statute which was already obsolete, and also null for unconstitutionality, could have no influence to obstruct or to promote the propagation of conflicting views of political or social institution. When the act organizing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska was passed, the inherent effect upon that portion of the public domain thus opened to legal settlement was to admit settlers from all the States of the Union alike, each with his convictions of public policy and private interest, there to found in their discretion, subject to such limitations as the Constitution and acts of Congress might prescribe, new States, hereafter to be admitted into the Union. It was a free field, open alike to all, whether the statute line of assumed restriction were repealed or not. That repeal did not open to free competition of the diverse opinions and domestic institutions a field which, without such repeal, would have been closed against them: it found that field of competition already opened, in fact and in law. All the repeal did was to relieve the statute-book of an objectionable enactment, unconstitutional in effect, and injurious in terms, to a large portion of the States. Is it the fact that, in all the unsettled regions of the United States, if emigration be left free to act in this respect for itself, without legal prohibitions on either side, slave labor will spontaneously go everywhere, in preference to free labor? Is it the fact, that the peculiar domestic institutions of the southern States possess, relatively, so much of vigor, that, wheresoever an avenue is freely open to all the world, they will penetrate to the exclusion of those of the northern States? Is it the fact, that the former enjoy, compared with the latter, such irresistibly superior vitality, independent of climate, soil, and all other accidental circumstances, as to be able to produce the supposed result, in spite of the assumed moral and natural obstacles to its accomplishment, and of the more numerous population of the northern States? The argument of those who advocate the enactment of new laws of restriction, and condemn the repeal of old ones, in effect avers that their |