On the contrary, they aroused the people, and in the election in November, 1876, the Democratic state and national ticket carried Louisiana by an average majority of 8,000.

Then, for the third time, the Returning Board came into play, and the old method was resorted to of throwing out enough polls and parishes to make the state and Legislature Republican. It so happened, however, that the National election depended on the vote of Louisiana, and the proceedings of the Returning Board of 1876 were therefore watched by the whole country, and its history made known. All the facts came out, and the people of the United States then learned how Louisiana elections had been managed in the past. They learned that the election machinery had been placed in the hands of low and mercenary adventurers; that the supervisors of election contracted in advance with the candidates, as to how the votes should be cast; they learned how the returns were "doctored," and how forged returns and affidavits were secured whenever this was necessary. It was shown that George L. Smith, candidate for Congress in the Fourth District, was given blank appointments to all the election offices in the District, and that the returns of DeSota parish were sent privately to him, and examined and doctored before being turned over to the Returning Board; and that the returns of Bossier, Webster and other parishes were similarly opened and doctored-a fact that was developed by a misdate. Ballot-box stuffing, falsification of returns, forgery and other crimes, were clearly shown upon the investigation; but this matters little. The Democrats had carried the state by 8,000 majority, but when the Returning Board got through with its supervisory work, it had manufactured a Republican majority of 9,000, and created a Republican Legislature.

The rival state governments-one headed by Nicholls, elected by the popular vote, and the other by Packard, formerly United States Marshal-both organized in January, 1877, but the jurisdiction of the Packard government was restricted to the State House. From January to Marchfor three months-Louisiana remained in this condition, with two Governors, two Legislatures and two Supreme Courts.

A conflict was prevented only by the presence in force of United States troops, stationed in the immediate vicinity of the State House. During all this period, the Packard government was in a state of siege. Over a thousand negro adherents of the Packard government lived and ate and slept in the state capitol. The building became extremely filthy and dangerous to the public health, and finally small-pox broke out among the crowded inmates. But the leaders held on. clinging to the hope that the Federal government would again interfere, and, as in the case of Kellogg, induct Packard into office.

After a strained condition which existed for months, and might at any time have precipitated a general riot and even civil war, the president decided to abandon the policy of military interference, and withdraw the troops.

The weakness of the Packard régime then became patent. The State Government fell to pieces, the moment the Federal troops were withdrawn. Packard, who claimed to be Governor, left Louisiana never to return; and most of the political gypsies, who, in the sorrowful decade just past, had led the Republican party in its career of spoliation, riot and lawlessness, were scattered far and wide, each resuming his habit to "swing his pot and pitch his tent wherever he saw a prospect of [public] plunder." On the departure of the United States troops, the Republican party of Louisi

ana was no more.

The Vampire Warmothism

had reduced the assessment or wealth of New Orleans from $146,718,790 at Warmoth's advent, to $88,613,930 at Kellogg's exit, a net decline of $58,104,860 in eight years; while real estate in the country parishes, had shrunk in value from $99,266,839.85 to $47,141,696, or about one-half. During this period, the Republican leaders had squandered nearly one hundred and fifty millions, giving the state little or nothing to show therefor. The state debt was increased more than $40,000,000, and that of the city about $12,000,000. Forty per cent. of the former had been repudiated,

and, in the redemption of it with new bonds, many millions had disappeared and been lost to the state. The increase of taxation had been manifold-in many parts eight-foldreaching 5, 6, 7 and even 8 per cent. in some places. City property depreciated 40, and country 50 per cent. Such is the Republican financial record.

Of course, a standing army-infantry, cavalry and artillery -all at the expense of the victims-was required to defend such despotism, the cost being about a million a year. A navy was needed, too, and the "Ozark" bore the broad pennant, with one other state vessel for the squadron. The viceroy could have, on call, United States troops and United States Deputy Marshals. Federal soldiers were used at the elections, and for making arrests; and a Federal fleet, at times, with spring cables, and guns loaded with death and devastation, menaced New Orleans. In the vice-regal reign, nearly 2000 Federal arrests-mostly of the better classeswere made; but after some imprisonment or restraint, were released as soon as tried. Yet all this failed to keep order; and the state Government twice went to pieces before a popular demonstration.

Warmothism seemed to begin and gradually grow to fatness with wrong-doing; and (possibly designing it), by establishing lotteries and public gambling in 1868, it drew from all abroad the dregs of population, and thereby furnished itself with an ample supply of trained rascals for tools.

For a year, gambling in New Orleans was public, like any other business, and open to minors, women, or any others. Gamblers and their congeners flocked in from_everywhere, and the city became like a wild frontier town. Despite Warmothism, however, the moral force of society brought it to an end, except the Louisiana Lottery, which, then chartered for twenty-five years, now exhibits to all the land one of the moral beauties of that régime. At all events misgovernment, lawlessness, robbery, peculation, bribery and corruption then began to flourish as never before; and Warmoth seemed rather proud of his "bad eminence." With flagitious candor he bore such testimony as this: "In the Legislature"

of 1870 (which he had elected), he said there was "but one honest man." "Corruption is the fashion," he remarked to a delegation that waited on him; "I do not pretend to be honest, but only as honest as anybody in politics."

An adventurer, without a dollar, he was said to be worth a quarter of a million within a year of his election; and though his salary was $8000 a year, he was, at retiring, reputed to have one of the largest fortunes in Louisiana. His successor, Kellogg, went and did likewise, retiring, it was said, with half a million!

The example of "making haste to be rich" was not followed by their Democratic successors. Nicholls, twice Governor, became steadily poorer while in service. Wiltz, who died in the office, was so poor that his friends had to make a subscription for his widow and children; while Governor S. D. McEnery, after serving seven years, left the gubernatorial chair with greatly diminished means.

The writer begs leave to say, in conclusion, that this sketch of robbery and infamy is based mainly on Republican data, as has been indicated; on the statutes and committee reports of the Legislature; on auditors' official documents; on the facts found and stated by Congressional Republican Committees, who were sent to see and report on the workings of reconstruction; on the speeches of leading Republican statesmen, and on the facts given by leading Republican papers.

The writer begs leave to say further, that he belongs to no party, but feels that he has a right to plead for his commonwealth, as one of the integers of our political system, and vindicate her rights and immunities, just as he would (regardless of sentiment) those of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, or Delaware; for his hope and prayer is that they and all their sisters, old and young, will be, down to the last syllable of recorded time, among "the several states which may be included within this union"-to use the words of the compact (Article I.) describing the "essential component parts of the Union," as Hamilton declared the states to be.

B. J. SAGE.

CHAPTER XV.

SUNRISE.

PROSPERITY FOLLOWS THE RESTORATION OF GOOD GOVERNMENT.

THE in the several Southern states were the darkest

days during which the reconstruction governments ruled

that ever shrouded any portion of our country.

The slaughter and the sacrifices during our great civil war were terrible indeed, but those dark days were lighted by the shining valor of the patriot soldier; the storm clouds were gilded with glory.

But there was, in the scenes faintly pictured in the preceding portion of this book, nothing but wretchedness and humiliation, and shame, and crime begetting crime. There was no single redeeming feature, except the heroic determination of the better classes in the several states to restore good government. Their constancy as we have seen was at last, in each case, rewarded.

The results are best shown by figures which we take by permission from the Manufacturers' Record, of Baltimore, Md., of December 21, 1889. In a special number of this able paper, the editor has compiled many tables of figures, showing in great detail that the South is now growing more rapidly than the remainder of the country in the production of pig iron, the manufacture of cotton goods, the building of railroads, the building of industrial towns and cities, the mining of coal, the manufacture of lumber, the raising of grain, the establishment of National Banks, and the accumulation of money. The Record is not a political paper. The figures were gathered and compiled for business men. The article is headed