The writer must here say that in a sketch like this, not a tithe of the terrible facts can be given nor can proper reference to authorities be made, except in a general way at the conclusion; but it is well here to refer for important data, to the telegraphic correspondence between New Orleans and Washington, in "McPherson's Handbook of Politics for 1874," pp. 100 to 108; also Id. pp. 129, 142; and to the report of the Senate Committee on privileges and elections, session 1873-4.

Thus Federal power installed the Kellogg Government, which had never been elected, but did not give peace or order thereby. Kellogg, in some sort, served out his term, but his rule was never recognized, except when backed by Federal bayonets; and much friction, controversy, quarreling and even bloody conflicts were rife in all the state, because of rival claims to office.

Kellogg seemed disposed to encourage disturbances of this kind, as they justified his calling upon the Federal Government for troops; and, moreover, diverted the attention of the people from the fact that he had no title to the Governorship. The two boards had declared two sets of officers, in the most of the parishes, and Kellogg is said to have issued two sets of commissions in some instances, leaving it to the rivals, as he was reported to have said, "to fight it out."

By producing such contentions and conflicts, he 'might hope for a continuance of Federal aid, and keep the Federal power constantly impressed with the two rival governments, and its obligation to vindicate one of them!

It was this policy which brought about the Colfax riot, in which so many lives were lost. In Grant parish, of which Colfax is the seat of justice, two tickets claimed to be elected.

Kellogg encouraged both parties, first commissioning the Nash ticket, as shown in the official paper, the Republican, and at the same time, or afterwards, commissioning the Shaw ticket. Nash was in possession of the Court House; Shaw seized and occupied it in the night time, just as Kellogg had done the State House, and summoned the negroes of the parish to Colfax to act as a posse to protect him in office. For three weeks Colfax was in wild excitement. Some 500

negroes crowded into the town, armed themselves, drilled, erected fortifications, and constructed cannon from gas-pipes. Occasionally they raided the surrounding country for provisions. The whites, alarmed, congregated in the vicinity of the town, all well armed.

It was quite evident that a serious conflict was threatened. Kellogg was appealed to, and asked to interfere and prevent the riot that was otherwise inevitable. He had ample time, -three weeks-to do this, but declined to interfere. He hoped, indeed, that in the fight the negroes would be victorious-such was the view expressed by the official paper, the Republican - and even if they did not prove so, their defeat would afford him an excuse for appealing for Federal protection. "The time is past," said the Republican, "when a handful of whites can frighten a regiment of colored men."

On Easter Sunday, April 13th, 1873, Sheriff Nash, with a posse of whites, undertook to recapture the Court House, which was then held by an illegal body of negroes, for Shaw, the other claimant of the Shrievalty, under whose call the negroes had assembled in Colfax, had long since deserted them. The fight over the Court House was a long and bitter one, 63 persons-white and black-losing their lives, and the building itself being destroyed by fire in the battle.

VII. WARMOTH-KELLOGGISM.

This was but one of a dozen similar, but less bloody, encounters which occurred in the state, in the contest over the offices, and which were encouraged by the Governor, to win him support in the North and the use of Federal troops.

A large majority of the people of the state never recognized Kellogg's election, and he found himself constrained to organize a force for a series of expeditions to establish his authority. The Metropolitan Police force was still further strengthened and increased to three thousand men, and mustered into the militia of the state. To aid them in their invasions of the country parishes, two steamers were purchased, and became the nucleus of a state navy. Although nominally the police force of New Orleans, and paid out of the

city treasury, this standing army of metropolitans was wholly under the control of the Governor, and could be ordered by him to any portion of the state on military duty. One of the first expeditions undertaken was to the parish of St. Martin, the property owners of which refused to recognize Kellogg as Governor or to pay their taxes to him. A force of several hundred "metropolitans," mounted as cavalry, and armed with Springfield rifles and cannon, were sent on the state steamer "Ozark" to St. Martinsville, to arrest the men who had defied Kellogg's authority. The expedition was a failure, and the "metropolitans," after remaining several days in the field, and exchanging shots with the natives, "marched down again" to New Orleans. The leaders of the tax-resisters were subsequently arrested by a United States Marshal, on blank warrants, charging them with blank crimes against blank persons, and brought to New Orleans before a United States Commissioner; and then discharged, because-to use his own words "there is no proof to justify the detention of the prisoners." "The affidavits were made without a just cause." But, said Dogberry, consolingly, though "the defendants have been unjustly put to all this trouble and expense, yet this is a sacrifice they must be content to endure for the good of the body politic." He was one of the carpet-baggers, but is now esteemed by Louisiana as one of her "true patriots,” for he has "left the country."

These refusals to pay the taxes to the Kellogg Government seriously incommoded it, and the Legislature, in consequence, passed a series of tax laws of the most stringent character. The most extraordinary of these contained a provision that any property-holder, failing to pay his taxes within thirty days of the time they fell due, forfeited thereby his right to bring suit for his own benefit, or to be a witness for or in his own behalf; and every court, having jurisdiction within the state, was ordered to deny and refuse to issue a civil process of any kind or nature for him, until he procured a certificate that all his delinquent taxes and costs had been paid.

All the iniquitous legislation of the Warmoth régime, such as the registration and election laws, and the Returning Board, were continued, and even improved on. Kellogg went a

step further in the matter of the collection of taxes, and also in the selection of juries. It was deemed especially necessary to monopolize the administration of the criminal law of the state, and the Governor, therefore, secured, through an act of the Legislature, control of the criminal courts by creating a new one, with exclusive jurisdiction in certain matters; and was given, at the same time, control of the jury, a Commission, consisting of two members, appointed by him, and serving at his will, having full control of drawing all juries. This was followed by a law making it a crime for any one to claim to be an officer of the state unless declared elected by the Returning Board.

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Such legislation, the Republicans thought, increased their strength, so that they could henceforward do as they pleased. They could, however, do little more in the way of issuing bonds, as, owing to the enormous debt, they were worth but twenty-five per cent. Under these circumstances, a happy device was invented by Kellogg, and put in practicable shape, which was to heavily scale the debt, and begin anew. It was, therefore, reduced forty per cent., and, in the funding and exchange for new bonds, which it was provided should be done by the chief officers of the administration, many frauds, and speculations, (almost equally criminal with simple frauds), were proved to have been committed-many being detailed in legislative and official reports not long afterwards. of them—an enormity-requires a more extended notice, because it shows the possibilities of Congressional reconstruction and political gypsyism combined; and teaches us an invaluable lesson-unless the gods, aiming to destroy us, have made us mad. This funding board, having discretionary power, funded some $6,000,000 of bonds alleged to have been fraudulent, as a very large amount of them were proved to have been. It was charged, and generally believed, that some of these chief officers combined with brokers and speculators in buying up fraudulent and dishonored securities, and warrants of doubtful validity, at very low rates, and funding and exchanging them for new bonds; and it was said and believed that the net profits of the transaction were about, or over, $3,000,000.

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The facts would have come out a year or two later, when the Democrats came into power, but for their finding that George B. Johnson, the Auditor under Kellogg, had taken away or embezzled all the books of the office, containing the evidence of the bonds, &c., funded, thus making it impossible to expose fully the frauds that might have been committed, or to discriminate between the good and the bad debt. committee of the Legislature, which investigated this fund ing, found that this important body, though its duty was to fund the many millions of the state debt, and though it was trusted with control and issuance of many millions of dollars of State Bonds, had no office of its own, and no fixed place of business; but met, from time to time, in different offices in the state-house and elsewhere. On one occasion it met in New York, and did some business in funding fraudulent securities, as afterwards transpired. It kept but a meagre and imperfect journal of its proceedings, and even this was full of interlineations, alterations and corrections in different handwriting, with blank places left here and there, as if for filling up with additional matter. The legislative committee found it impossible to determine what bonds were destroyed, or what new ones had been issued, nor could they feel assured that a large number, or even all of those funded, had not been reissued. The opportunities for fraud can be easily imagined, while detection and even knowledge of its extent were forefended by the destruction or embezzlement of all the records. The opportunities for spoliation were passing away. The state had been so impoverished that it was impossible to wring as much money from it as before, and the assessment during the last two years of Kellogg's régime reached the lowest limit known since 1830.

Despite all his stringent laws, Kellogg never exercised full dominion over Louisiana. Collisions between the metropolitans and constabulary and the people, frequently occurred, and severe battles took place in the streets of New Orleans. How weak and hollow the government was, soon became evident. Thanks to the United States troops and the metropolitans, Kellogg had preserved a semblance of power; but a single defeat annihilated his government in a few hours.