proceedings of this meeting demonstrated a thorough comprehension of the situation, and a thoroughly practical and proper spirit in dealing with it, on the part of the people generally as well as of their leaders. It culminated in a recommendation for a state convention, and the appointment of a committee to ascertain whether the military authorities at Richmond would authorize an election for that purpose. This meeting was followed by others of like character throughout the commonwealth, but of course the necessity for a convention was largely superseded by the action of President Johnson. Governor Pierpoint arrived in Richmond on the 23rd of May, and it is said the entire legislative and executive departments of his government, and the archives as well, were transported from the steamer to the capitol in an ambulance. Whether this report is true or not, it might well have been.

There is something almost grotesque in the idea of such a government, elected as this had been, assuming control of such a commonwealth as Virginia. Yet it is fair to add that the practical wisdom of Governor Pierpoint in holding on through snubs and sneers as the governor of "Restored Virginia" at Alexandria, was vindicated by the resuit,—and that his administration at Richmond was in the main liberal and patriotic, though of course embarrassed by the co-existence and operation of the military control established by the United States; the military and civil authorities both taking part in the reorganization of the state, the former exhibiting probably a little more consideration for the latter than Gen. Butler had done in Norfolk a year before. Being satisfied, both from information and experiment, that even a decent organization was impracticable in most of the counties of the commonwealth, without the repeal of the disfranchising and disqualifying clauses of the Alexandria constitution, the governor called his pigmy legislature together in special session at Richmond, on the 20th of June, 1865, and in his message to them, said: "It is folly to suppose that a state could be governed under a republican form of government, wherein a large portion of the state, nineteen-twentieths of the people, are disfranchised and cannot hold office." The state constitution fortunately giving the legislature some control of this sub

ject, measures were promptly passed providing for partial relief from these disqualifications, by constitutional amendment, to be submitted to popular vote. The good sense, liberality and patriotism thus displayed, both by the Governor and the Assembly, so far conciliated and enheartened the people of the state that, on the 12th of October, elections were held generally throughout Virginia, for members of the Assembly and of Congress, and upon the proposed amendment to the constitution which was adopted by an overwhelming majority, the. bitter partisan feeling afterwards engendered by the long agony and fierce struggles of reconstruction not being as yet aroused. Thus the shackles of war legislation were stricken from the limbs of her sons, and the ancient Commonwealth fully organized and equipped stood ready to advance and reoccupy her old position in the American Union of sovereign and coequal states. Her right to do so would appear to have been unassailable even by the most prejudiced political foe. She was ready and offered herself, with a government organized in the dark days of secession, under the immediate suggestion and supervision of Federal authority, and consecrated by the devotion of the handful of Virginians then and ever loyal and faithful to the Union,-a government afterwards recognized by the Congress of the United States as the true and lawful government of Virginia, upon whose rightful authority and consent, according to the theory of Congress, were based the division of the old Commonwealth, the existence and admission of West Virginia, and the transfer and annexation of Berkeley and Jefferson counties to that state, a government recognized also by the executive of the United States, in solemn presidental proclamation of its legitimate right,—a government at last happily acquiesced in and supported by substantially all the citizens of Virginia.

IV.

DESTRUCTION.

The life of the state and the hopes of her people beat high when, upon the assembling of Congress in December, 1865, the duly accredited representatives of Virginia repaired to the

national capitol. Having deposited their credentials with the clerk they took their seats upon the floor, but, upon the preliminary call of the House, it appeared that the clerk had not entered the name of a single representative of a southern state upon the roll. There was no opportunity for defense or debate, not even for protest. The outrage was consummated as soon as suggested. Upon what ground can it be defended? Here was no exclusion of individuals, by test-oath or for personal disqualification. The thing was done wholesale, and of necessity upon the theory, that "the late rebel states were not entitled to representation.

Why? Was it that these states did not have a republican form of government, and that Congress felt bound to guarantee this to them; or, that they did not seem likely to have a republican majority in elections, and that Congress felt anxious to guarantee this to them? From 1861-64" restored Virginia" had been represented in Congress-was her constitution republican in form from 1861-64, and unrepublican in 1865? And if so, did the existence of test-oaths and disfranchisements and disqualifications make her original constitution republican, and the expurgation of these features make her amended constitution unrepublican? Was the Pierpoint government of Virginia entirely satisfactory while it did not actually represent one in twenty of her citizens, and entirely unsatisfactory when it came to represent all of them? Were the constitutions of the several northern states, which in 1865 did not recognize negro suffrage, republican in form, and the constitutions of the southern states, which did not embody such recognition, unrepublican ?

These are grave questions. We throw what light we may upon their solution, by laying upon the conscience of an intelligent and candid people, one question more. Would the representatives from the southern states have been barred out of Congress in 1865, if, either with or without negro suffrage, these states had been so organized as to give fair assurance of substantial republican majorities?

However this may be, two things at least are clear: first, there was nothing in the condition of affairs in Virginia-no resistance to national authority, no excitement, no disorder,

no insecurity of life or property-which even approximated to a justification of this sudden smothering of the fresh life of the state, the fresh hopes of her people; and second, this summary ejection of her representatives, without reason assigned or chance to be heard, did more to engender in Virginia a deep sense of wrong, and to retard the return of good feeling, than the entire military operations of any one year of

the war.

It should be remembered that the mass of the people of Virginia, having been honestly and heartily devoted to the cause of the Confederacy, justly felt that they had gone very far in the direction of concession and conciliation, when they accepted and "honestly and cordially sustained" the Pierpoint government, thus adding to it the great seal of popular ratification, which it specially lacked, and for lack of which it had been frequently sneered at, even by the extreme leaders of its own party. They felt, too, that that government and the state organized under it stood, or ought to stand, in an exceptionally strong position with the congress and government of the United States, as having furnished not only the first nucleus and rallying-point for Union sentiment in the south, but also the first suggestion and model for Union organization, as Attorney-General Bates expressed it, "the plan adopted both by Virginia and the general government for the reorganization of the revolted states and the restoration of the integrity of the Union." And they further felt it to be an utter violation, not only of logical and legal consistency, but of good faith, to hold the Pierpoint government, even without popular support, basis sufficient for the creation and admission of West Virginia,-and yet, with popular support added, insufficient for the statehood and admission of Virginia herself.

V.

RECONSTRUCTION.

On December 4, 1865, the first day of the first session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, and the very day the representatives of Virginia and of the other southern states were so

summarily ejected from the House of Representatives, Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, who was rapidly forging to the front as the leader of his party upon the floor, introduced his famous resolution for the appointment of the joint committee of fifteen, popularly termed the Reconstruction Committee, charged with the duty of inquiring into the condition of the southern states, and reporting whether any of them were entitled to representation in either house of Congress ;-and, upon this pregnant resolution, the mover called the previous question.

Debate being thus shut off, the resolution was carried by a party vote of 133 to 36. The Senate amended by striking out a clause which provided that no member should be admitted from any of these states, until the report of the Joint Committee should be formally acted on by Congress, which clause Senator Doolittle termed "a dissolution of the Union by act of Congress." But even this fearful feature, little if at all modified, was subsequently passed, as the battle between Congress and the President grew hotter.

"It was foreseen," says Mr. Blaine, on page 127 of vol. 2 of his book, "that, in an especial degree, the fortunes of the republican party would be in the keeping of the fifteen men who might be chosen." Was it not foreseen, that the fortunes of this great country, and of those unfortunate states, would be in their keeping also? Or, were these considerations overlooked, or too little appreciated to be properly responded to, in the selection of "the fifteen men"?

However this may be, the fact is that 12 Republicans and but 3 Democrats were appointed, and there was not a single Democrat upon the sub-committee which "did" Virginia. Whether or not the members of the joint committee "foresaw" what their great leader did, they certainly took care of "the fortunes of the party," and let the country take care of itself. Their report was what an experienced and unprejudiced man might have predicted, and their bills also, which, after long incubation, were hatched out in the spring of 1867.

The character and contents of the first great bill are well known-its preamble reciting that no legal republican governments, and no adequate protection for life or pro