rous Parliament, and the mildnefs and benignity of an illuftrious "Whether, according to the exifting law against the open at- fion, I trust we all feel alfo that it is our duty to express our firm perfuafion, and I am confident I fhall not be disappointed, that the public will be convinced that Parliament is not wanting in its duty at fuch a crisis of public affairs. I trust also that we fhall not be disappointed in our expectation of the spirit of the public collectively or individually; that they will not be wanting in their exertions in such a crifis; that they will be animated collectively and individually with a fpirit that will give energy and effect to their exertions; that every man who feels that he deferves the name of an Englishman, will do his utmoft endeavour to counteract the machinations of all incendiary perfons who wish to turn his Majefty's forces out of the path of their allegiance; that every man in the kingdom who has a heart in his breaft will do all he can to counteract the spirit of difaffection and difloyalty, and will enforce, as far as he lawfully can, a fpirit of fubmiffion to regular authority; that all the inhabitants of the kingdom will unite in one common defence against internal enemies, to maintain the general fecurity of the kingdom, by providing for the local fecurity of each particular district; that we fhall all remember, that by fo doing we fhall give the fulleft fcope to his Majefty's forces against foreign enemies, and alfo the fulleft fcope to the known valour and unfhaken folidity of the military force of the kingdom against thofe who fhall endeavour to disturb its internal tranquillity. Such are the principles which I feel, and upon which I fhall act for myself; and fuch are the principles, and will be the conduct, I hope, of every man in this House and out of it; fuch are the fentiments that are implanted in us all; fuch the feelings that are inherent in the breast of every Englishman. I fhould infult the Houfe by fhewing that I diftrufted its character, and the character of the country if I faid more, and I should have neglected my duty if I had faid lefs. I fhall conclude with moving, That an humble Addrefs be presented to his Majesty, to this purport:---To exprefs the concern and indignation 'which the Houfe feel at the heinous conduct of those who had ' attempted to feduce the Seamen from their duty and allegiance; to affure his Majefty that they were ready to afford the ' utmost affistance to the paternal endeavours of his Majefty to reftore difcipline and fubordination in the Navy, and to adopt ( every measure which can tend at this important conjuncture to provide for the public fecurity; and that they would pro'ceed without delay to confider of making more effectual pro'vifions for the prevention and punishment of all traitorous at'tempts to excite fedition and mutiny in his Majefty's fervice, or to withdraw any part of his Majefty's forces, by fea or land, from their duty and allegiance to him, and from that obedi ་ 'ence ence and difcipline which are fo important and neceffary; and to affure his Majefty that the Houfe of Commons had the ful'left reliance on the loyalty of his Majefty's fubjects, and that 'they would be eager to contribute their utmoft exertions upon 'every occafion for the fupport of legal authority, the mainte'nance of peace and order, and the general profperity and fafety ' of the British Empire.' Mr. Jolliffe faid, that however cautious the Houfe ought to be in extending the code of penal ftatutes, yet he thought it impoffible but that the Motion now propofed by the Right Honourable Gentleman would pafs unanimoufly in that House; for, whatever fentiments perfons might entertain with regard to dif ferent forms of Government, or the merits or demerits of the individuals who were concerned in the adminiftration of affairs, there could be but one opinion upon this point, that there muft be difcipline and fubordination both in the army and navy; without which it was impoffible that the country could repel the attacks of foreign enemies, maintain internal peace, or, in fhort, that civil fociety could fubfift. He trusted, therefore, that whatever objections the country might have to the component branches of Adminiftration, yet, that when they faw the neceffity of exertions against both foreign and domeftic enemies, they would act with that fpirit and unanimity which the exigency of circumftances required. Mr. W. Smith faid, there was no man in the House who felt more than he did the propriety of the fentiments conveyed by the speech of the Minifter upon this occafion, and of the propriety of the fpirit of the Addrefs. He fhould endeavour fo to conduct himself as to leave no room for any one to doubt the fincerity of his profeffions. But he deplored that fpecies of eloquence which had been used in and out of that Houfe, by which it was endeavoured to fhew that Minifters were identified with the safety of the Conftitution of this country. In fuch a meafure as the Addrefs now propofed, he fhould heartily concur, but he held himself perfectly free to express out of doors, as well as in the House, any general fentiments which he might entertain refpecting the conduct of Administration. Mr. Sheridan.---" Sir, I cannot but concur in what has fallen from the Right Honourable Gentleman. Certainly it is a fact that we are come to a time when his Majefty has an undoubted right to call upon all his fubjects, of every rank, clafs, and description, for their zealous co-operation in maintaining the due execution of the laws, and in giving every poffible efficiency to the measures of Government. However justly it might be contended, that there did exift ftrong grounds of reprehenfion, and causes for future complaint against Administration, yet fuch 9 R2 confiderations confiderations were, in his opinion, at that moment completely out of the question, and the Houfe was now called upon to unite moft earnestly with his Majefty against the fatal effects that might be produced by the perfeverance in mutiny, and the dangerous difobedience of thofe fhips mentioned in his Majefty's moft gracious Meffage. I did wish to have preffed a propofition fome time ago, which I think would have had the happiest effects; but I fhall not repeat it now, because now it cannot be propofed. But, Sir, in a negotiation where you conciliate a little, and fay you will conciliate no more, and then do grant more; when a Board of Admiralty is afked for and refused, and then a Board of Admiralty goes down; then I fay, there is nothing that can be conceded as a grace, which will be received as one, and nothing held out as a menace, which will operate and be received as a menace. I did, therefore, with that a commis fion fhould have been appointed, which should say, thus far we will concede and no farther. But I will not enter into any further remarks upon that fubject. Sir, there is no perfon can feel greater indignation at thofe foul and lurking incendiaries than I do. And when 1 fuggefted my propofition, I did it in the fanguine hope and confidence that this did not proceed from the character and feelings of the Seamen. If it could proceed from their feeling, if it could be their real temper, if there is that rot in the Wooden Walls of Old England, then, indeed, the day of cur decay is near. But I hope and truft this is not the cafe. I think when the queftion came whether they would lay the country, for fo it must be, at the foot of the enemy, they would then fee that they themselves will be the greateft lofers; for if we are to admit our enemies as victors, the firft object, whether of Monarchical or Republican France, would be, (and who can doubt it) to extinguish our commerce; the very occupation of the British Seamen would then be loft and gone. "Having faid thus much upon the general subject, I hope I fhall not be misunderstood, if I fay that I cannot give my affent to the laft part of the Addrefs. I may be told that it will not be of a piece not to give a general affent---but, Sir, I muft fay that unless the country can make this feparation and distinction, namely, that they will fupport the Executive Government in repreffing anarchical attempts at home, and preferving fubordination in the Navy, without compromifing themselves in the characters of Minifters, I fay Sir, unless they can do this, the country cannot be faved. I will fupport the principles I have maintained, but I will not abstain from charging the ills in which we are involved, upon the present Adminiftration. It is impoffible not to recollect the Treafon and Sedition Bills that were paffed, and not to fuppofe that fomething of a fimilar kind is to be proposed now. Some Honourable Friends of mine fay, they will wait for the Bill; but I cannot even now refrain from expreffing my reluctance to addrefs upon thefe grounds. I wish to have it fhewn me, that the laws as they exift are infufficient. I know that an Act has been paffed in a neighbouring country, to which no human force fhould have made me give my aflent. Sir, the grounds upon which I object, is founded upon the imperious call of experience, which fhews me that all the ftrong measures adopted by Adminiftration, have only inflamed the evil which they attempted to cure. We were told when the former Bills were propofed, that the times required a vigour beyond the law. Sir, you adopted thofe Bills; but have you cured Sedition? Have you not nurfed it till it has fwelled into infurrection? Good God! Sir, let us recollect that one remedy was the fyftem of Barracks. We were told that the measure carried this good effect with it, that it would keep the Soldiers out of the reach and influence of Sedition; that if the people could not be made dumb, the Soldiers fhould be made deaf. What is the confequence? That you come with an acknowledgment of the evil having increafed. Having no proof, therefore, that the diforder cannot be remedied by the exifting laws, having never found that one perfon has efcaped from want of vigour and efficacy in thofe laws, knowing that the more you increase a fanguine Legiflation, the more you add to the evil, I cannot help recurring to my principle, which is adverse to the increase of exifting laws against Treafon. Mr. Dundas faid, that every Gentleman in that House must concur with the Honourable Gentleman who had just sat down, in the fentiments which he had advanced in the early part of his fpeech. Upon a former occafion he had acknowledged what he thought the country owed to that Honourable Gentleman, for the wife and patriotic language he had held---what had fallen from him this day was entitled to the fame praise; and he should not take away from the force and eloquence of it by adding one fyllable to it. He rofe merely to correct a mistake into which the Honourable Gentleman had fallen, and which it was material that neither he nor the House should continue in. He feemed to be of opinion, that the Lords of the Admiralty had, in the first inftance, refused to go down to Sheerness, and that they afterwards went down. That the Lords of the Admiralty did in the first inftance refufe to go down, and that they afterwards did go to Sheernefs, was undoubtedly true, but it was under circumftances totally different. In the former cafe, they would have been culpable if they had gone down; in the latter, they would have been highly culpable if they had not. They were called upon at firft by the Mutineers to come down to Sheer nefs |