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every hour more convinced of the necessity of removing them, and therefore gave his warm and zealous vote in favour of the Motion.

Mr. Bootle opposed the Motion. In defence of the conduct of his Majesty's Ministers, he alledged that the Alien Bill was a wise and politic measure, and had been attended with many beneficial effects. He also maintained the propriety of the

Treason and Sedition Bills. By those Bills, faid Mr. Bootle, His Majesty's Ministers had confined Sedition within the walls of that touse. The Right Honourable Gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Fox) had from week to week given notice of a Motion for the repeal of those Bills. It was now understood, this Motion was to be brought forward on Tuesday next: but whether it would not be again postponed, as it had so often been, the House could not tell. If his Majesty's Ministers were difmissed, who were to succeed them? Probably he might be told, the Gentlemen on the other fide of the House. They were fupported out of doors, it was true, by a variety of interests; but these were jarring interests. It would be impossible to keep them united. The Gentlemen over against him stood pledged for a Parliamentary Reform: they intended, no doubt, a moderate Reform; but this would not please the friends of Universal Suffrage, and certainly no Gentleman in that House would preserve their support on the condition of complying with what they desired. He thought none but the present Ministers were proper for the present situation of things.

Mr. Brandling said he would give his decided negative to the worthy Alderman's Motion. There was not much justice in the accusations made against Ministers. · Nobody could have foreseen what had happened on the Continent. The war was undertaken justly to repress the inhumanity, cruelty, and tyranny of the French..

Mr. Lushington said, that as to the commencement of the war he had very early formed a decided oppinion, and in that opinion he still' persisted. It was not the unjust aggression of the enemy against our faithful Allies, the Dutch, on which he rested for a justification of the war. The defence of a single ftate, or province, was not the chief cause of our justification ; but it was the preservation of a great principle: of a principle that animated the whole system of our Government. That principle had been grossly violated in order to carry into effect a plan for subjecting and barbariling all Europe. The most dark and insidious methods had been taken for this purpose. The most abominable maxims had been inculcated, and had for a time been prevalent; but they had at last been conquerad by the power of reason. . With respect to the Treason and

Sedition Sedition Bills, he admitted that they were not congenial with the principles of the Constitution. They had been passed from necessity. We were then in a most dangerous situation, and they were absolutely necessary for the preservation of our liberties. The Honourable Gentleman who made this Motion observed, that he made it in obedience to the instructions of his Constituents. For himself, although on some occasions he might act as his own judgment directed him, he would always be inclined, on great Constitutional points, to respect the instructions of a well ascertained majority of his Constituents. But the decisions of the Livery of London, relative to the question now before the House, had not been confirmed by a majority of the whole body. Not more than one-fifth of them had voted at the Common Hall. With regard to the war in which, unfortunately, we were still engaged, if the object of it had not been completely attained, it had not been from any want of spirit and good conduct in our soldiers and sailors. In no period of our history had their courage been more distinguished: in none had nobler exploits been achieved by British valour. He imputed all the failures and disaiters of the confederacy to the defection of the King of Prussia. This Prince, who was the firft to lead his Armies against France, had been the first to withdraw them, to violate his engagements, and desert his friends. It was entirely his fault that the war had failed. Strong as was his own wish for peace, and strong as might be the with of any individual in the House or the country for peace, he was convinced it could not be greater than the wish which his Majesty's Ministers must entertain for the fame desirable object. None could be more anxious than them for the conclufion of a war, which was distinguished for calamities, and which was still pregnant with future mischief. To suppose that Minifters were not as desirous of peace, as any other individuals could possibly be, was to impute to them want of sense, feeling, and attention to their duty. An idea had prevailed, that the People, and the Government of France, were peculiarly hostile of his Majesty's present Ministers. Whether this was lo or not, he hoped, anxious as he was for the restoration of peace, that it would not be made in obedience to the commands, nor for the gratification of the vengeance of France. In fact, the hostility of France was directed now, as it had often been during her Monarchy, against our Navy, our Foreign Commerce and our Constitution. In every period of her history she had been ambitious, and she had always found the navy, the commerce, and the policy, of England, the chief obstacles to her ambition. His anxiety, however, for peace, great as it was, was not inconsistent with a manly determination to support th:

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character and honour of the country. The best way to obtain and preserve peace was to profecute the war with vigour. Ally other method might be attended with ruin to us. Our fyften was fo conftituted, that if any one of its parts were destroy de all the rest might follow. They depended mutually upon each other. If our commerce fall, our C:edit must also fall, and then it could hardly be expected that our Conftitution would stand. Suppose the fact that other Ministers might be more agreeable to France than the present ones, were we th:n to change them? God forbid that France should ever dictate to us who were the fittest to negotiate, or that we should ever submit, through a mean and Jastardly courtesy, to conciliate our Enemies. On this ground alone, that it might be supposed we crouched to Francs, he opposed a change of Ministers.

Mr. M. A. Taylor said he should feel himself ating out of all order if he did not vote for the dismissal of the King's prelent Ministers. He had confid red their conduct for four years past; and in his opinion it was boch weak and wicked. He would not be understood to say, that the Administration was composed of men without tal nts; the contrary was certainly the fact. Neither did he mean that they were wicked individually, or committed, as individuals, wicked acts. When he called them weak and wicked, he meant that their measures were feeble, and inefficacious, and that they maintained a system of corruption to a most alarming extent. He would not now enter into any long dissertation on the original justice of the war. But every day, the more he reflected upon the dreadful waste of blood it had occafioned, (for the waste of treasure was in comparison but an insignificant calamity) and the more he thought of the opposition he had given to it for four years, the more comfort and satisfaction did he feel from his own condut. This war, it had been said, was undertaken to preserve civilia zation, but France had obtained all her objects. Therefore the King of Prullia and the Emperor must be now compleatly barbarized. He did not believe that civilization was the cause for which the war had been undertaken, but the resturation of the monarchy of France. Whatever the cause was, why had it not been published by Ministers to the world? That the restoration of Monarchy in France was the objet of the war, was acknowledged in the protest of Lord Fitzwilliam. But it had been alked, if you cannot trust" Ministers, whom will you trust? Perhaps it might be supposed that he would answer his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Fox). This Gentleinan had certainly oppofed all the acts of Ministers, by which such mifery had been heaped upon the country of thor: Ministers whose inabiJity and incapacity were so notorious. In any firuation in life,

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Thould we trust those who had led us into difficulties and dangers, to extricate us from them? A change of Ministers, it was said, would lead to a change of system: It certainly would; but not a change in the Constitution. It would, he hoped, restore our Couftitution to its original purity. He did not think that the Treason and Sedition Bills had added to the tranquillity of the people. They had produced filent discontent. For his part, were he a Républican, and desirous of a Civil War, he would not wish to change either the present Ministers or their measures, for they would inevitably lead to general confusion, and to the destruction of the Monarchical form of Government. In the arts of corruption, Sir Robert Walpole was a mere ideot, compared with his Majesty's present Chancellor of the Exchequer. And it was what every Republican would with, that men might be brought over by a title, or a bit of silk, so that no public person inould be trusted. He had converted with some one, of whom he asked, was not Mr. Fox to be trusted. The answer was, No. There is not one of you fic to be trusted: you are all alike! With regard to the ihare of popularity which the Ministers enjoyed, there could hardly be a question about it. The whole Country were expressing their opinion of them. Gentlemen of rank, furtune, and high situation, were daily requesting his Majesty to dismiss them for ever. Nothing ut a sense of duty could make those Gentleman act as they did. For the Opposition had no places or pensions to allure them with. He wanted no place nor pension from the Mi. nister. The Minifter could not corrupt him: but there was one thing only that he would ask him to grant. This was to restore to us our Constitution He also hoped that the Right Honourable Gentleman would lessen the extravagant expenditure of the public money, which was still more grating and infulting to the feelings of the people, than to their pockets. He had now loft the confidence of all the monied men. They no longer placed confidence in him. There was no one ground for opposing the pesent Motion. It was observed that Ministers were desirous of peace; he believed they were, for he believed they were desirous of not losing their places; but this was no argument against their dismissal. It might be urged in favour of the worst of Ministers. The House were desired to rely on the Minister's honour. Whoever did so would lean on a broken reed. He was decidedly for supporting the Motion.

Mr. William Adams laid, that at this time every thing thould be opposed that tended to diminish lawful authority, or to em. barrals the operations of the Executive Power. No obstacles should be thrown in the way of Government. All party, all prejudice Nould be laid aside ; and this is a moment when all No. 38.

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should unite to support the dignity of our national character. He deprecated the unmanly defpondency that was taking porsession of men's minds. It was incumbent on the House to awaken the spirit, and rouse the zeal of the House. Unanimity was our best resource. He recommended it, as well as confidence in Ministers. He would conclude in the words of our Bard:

« Nought can make us rue,

“If England to herself will prove but true." Mr. Ellis said, he would always speak his own opinions, and follow his own judgment, and this he had told his Constituents before they elected him. For his part he wanted no place, nor envied any person who had any place. He thanked God he possessed enough of the things of this world; and he believed he had a good character, which he would endeavour to preserve. An Honourable Gentleman had begged of the Minister that he would not hurt the Constitution. He would beg no fuch thing of any Minister. He hoped the majority of the House and the country would protect the Constitution, and not suffer any Minister whatsoever to injure it. With regard to the Treason and Sedition Bills, they did not destroy nor injure the Constitution. Who that had a building but would part with some of it to preserve the rest ? He regretted this war, but he thought it was necessary. Its object was not, as had been said, to restore the Monarchy of France, but to keep a constitu. tional Monarch on the throne of this kingdom ; and this was an object for which he would expend every thilling of his mo ney, and lose every drop of his blood. He saw throughout the country the gradual succession of ranks: and he knew that all were protected, and that every individual had it in his power to raise himself to wealth and honour. He thought every thing would be well, if Gentlemen in this House would be of one mind. This was no time to talk about changing Ministers. Would any one think of reforming his houshold at the moment his house was surrounded by thieves ? Nothing would save us but a bold front, manifested in that Assembly.

Mr. Holhouse went into a detail to fhew that the war originated on the part of this country and not of France, and that the prohibition of the exportation of corn to France, the Alien Bill, the Correspondence between Lord Grenville and Monf. Chauvelin, and the dismissal of their Ambassador, were paramount to a declaration of war. He contended also that they had neglected every favourable opportunity of making peace, such as the application of M. Le Brun for a passport, the defection of Dumourier, &c. As a test of their capacity, he asked if they had gained one object of the war? They had gone to war

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