every hour more convinced of the neceffity of removing them, and therefore gave his warm and zealous vote in favour of the Motion. Mr. Bootle opposed the Motion. In defence of the conduct of his Majefty's Minifters, he alledged that the Alien Bill was a wife and politic meafure, and had been attended with many beneficial effects. He also maintained the propriety of the Treafon and Sedition Bills. By thofe Bills, faid Mr. Bootle, His Majefty's Ministers had confined Sedition within the walls. of that Houfe. The Right Honourable Gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Fox) had from week to week given notice of a Motion for the repeal of thofe Bills. It was now understood, this Motion was to be brought forward on Tuesday next: but whether it would not be again poftponed, as it had fo often been, the Houfe could not tell. If his Majefty's Ministers were dismiffed, who were to fucceed them? Probably he might be told, the Gentlemen on the other fide of the Houfe. They were fupported out of doors, it was true, by a variety of interefts; but thefe were jarring interefts. It would be impoffible to keep them united. The Gentlemen over against him ftood pledged for a Parliamentary Reform: they intended, no doubt, a moderate Reform; but this would not please the friends of Univerfal Suffrage, and certainly no Gentleman in that House would preferve their fupport on the condition of complying with what they defired. He thought none but the prefent Ministers were proper for the prefent fituation of things. · Mr. Brandling faid he would give his decided negative to the worthy Alderman's Motion. There was not much justice in the accufations made against Minifters. Nobody could have foreseen what had happened on the Continent. The war was undertaken juftly to reprefs the inhumanity, cruelty, and tyranny of the French. Mr. Lufhington faid, that as to the commencement of the war he had very early formed a decided oppinion, and in that opinion he still perfifted. It was not the unjuft aggreffion of the enemy against our faithful Allies, the Dutch, on which he refted for a juftification of the war. The defence of a fingle ftate, or province, was not the chief caufe of our juftification; but it was the prefervation of a great principle: of a principle that animated the whole fyftem of our Government. That principle had been grofsly violated in order to carry into effect a plan for fubjecting and barbarifing all Europe. The moft dark and infidious methods had been taken for this purpose. The most abominable maxims had been inculcated, and had for a time been prevalent; but they had at laft been conquerad by the power of reafon. With respect to the Treafon and Sedition Sedition Bills, he admitted that they were not congenial with the principles of the Conftitution. They had been paffed from neceffity. We were then in a most dangerous fituation, and they were abfolutely neceffary for the prefervation of our liberties. The Honourable Gentleman who made this Motion obferved, that he made it in obedience to the inftructions of his Constituents. For himfelf, although on fome occafions he might act as his own judgment directed him, he would always be inclined, on great Conftitutional points, to respect the inftructions of a well afcertained majority of his Conftituents. But the decisions of the Livery of London, relative to the question now before the Houfe, had not been confirmed by a majority of the whole body. Not more than one-fifth of them had voted at the Common Hall. With regard to the war in which, unfortunately, we were ftill engaged, if the object of it had not been completely attained, it had not been from any want of fpirit and good conduct in our foldiers and failors. In no period of our history had their courage been more diftinguished: in none had nobler exploits been achieved by British valour. He imputed all the failures and difafters of the confederacy to the defection of the King of Pruffia. This Prince, who was the first to lead his Armies against France, had been the first to withdraw them, to violate his engagements, and defert his friends. It was entirely his fault that the war had failed. Strong as was his own with for peace, and ftrong as might be the wifh of any individual in the Houfe or the country for peace, he was convinced it could not be greater than the wifh which his Majefty's Ministers must entertain for the fame defirable object. None could be more anxious than them for the conclufion of a war, which was distinguished for calamities, and which was ftill pregnant with future mischief. To fuppofe that Minifters were not as defirous of peace, as any other individuals could poffibly be, was to impute to them want of fenfe, feeling, and attention to their duty. An idea had prevailed, that the People, and the Government of France, were peculiarly hoftile of his Majesty's present Ministers. Whether this was fo or not, he hoped, anxious as he was for the restoration of peace, that it would not be made in obedience to the commands, nor for the gratification of the vengeance of France. In fact, the hoftility of France was directed now, as it had often been during her Monarchy, against our Navy, our Foreign Commerce and our Conftitution. In every period of her hiftory fhe had been ambitious, and fhe had always found the navy, the commerce, and the policy, of England, the chief obftacles to her ambition. His anxiety, however, for peace, great as it was, was not inconfiftent with a manly determination to fupport the Character character and honour of the country. The best way to obtain and preferve peace was to profecute the war with vigour. Any other method might be attended with ruin to us. Our fyftem was fo conftituted, that if any one of its parts were deftroy d, all the reft might follow. They depended mutually upon each other. If our commerce fall, our Credit must also fall, and then it could hardly be expected that our Conftitution would stand. Suppofe the fact that other Minifters might be more agreeable to France than the prefent ones, were we then to change them? God forbid that France fhould ever dictate to us who were the fittest to negotiate, or that we fhould ever fubmit, through a mean and daftardly courtefy, to conciliate our Enemies. On this ground alone, that it might be fuppofed we crouched to France, he oppofed a change of Minifters. Mr. M. A. Taylor faid he fhould feel himself acting out of all order if he did not vote for the difmiffal of the King's prefent Minifters. He had confid red their conduct for four years paft, and in his opinion it was both weak and wicked. He would not be understood to fay, that the Administration was compofed of men without tal.nts; the contrary was certainly the fact. Neither did he mean that they were wicked individually, or committed, as individuals, wicked acts. When he called them weak and wicked, he meant that their measures were feeble, and inefficacious, and that they maintained a fyftem of corruption to a most alarming extent. He would not now enter into any long differtation on the original juftice of the war. But every day, the more he reflected upon the dreadful waste of blood it had occafioned, (for the wafte of treasure was in comparifon but an infignificant calamity) and the more he thought of the oppofition he had given to it for four years, the more comfort and fatisfaction did he feel from his own condut. This war, it had been faid, was undertaken to preserve civilization, but France had obtained all her objects. Therefore the King of Pruffia and the Emperor must be now compleatly barbarized. He did not believe that civilization was the cause for which the war had been undertaken, but the reftoration of the monarchy of France. Whatever the caufe was, why had it not been published by Minifters to the world? That the restoration of Monarchy in France was the object of the war, was acknowledged in the proteft of Lord Fitzwilliam. But it had been afked, if you cannot truft Minifters, whom will you truft? Perhaps it might be fuppofed that he would anfwer his Right Honourable Friend (Mr. Fox). This Gentleman had certainly oppofed all the acts of Minifters, by which fuch mifery had been heaped upon the country; of thofe Minifters whofe inability and incapacity were fo notorious. In any fituation in life, fhould fhould we trust those who had led us into difficulties and dangers, to extricate us from them? A change of Minifters, it was faid, would lead to a change of fyftem: It certainly would; but not a change in the Conftitution. It would, he hoped, reftore our Conftitution to its original purity. He did not think that the Treafon and Sedition Bills had added to the tranquillity of the people. They had produced filent difcontent. For his part, were he a Republican, and defirous of a Civil War, he would not wish to change either the prefent Ministers or their measures, for they would inevitably lead to general confufion, and to the deftruction of the Monarchical form of Government. In the arts of corruption, Sir Robert Walpole was a mere ideot, compared with his Majefty's prefent Chancellor of the Exchequer. And it was what every Republican would wish, that men might be brought over by a title, or a bit of filk, fo that no public perfon mould be trufted. He had converted with fome one, of whom he asked, was not Mr. Fox to be trusted. The answer was, No. There is not one of you fit to be trusted: you are all alike! With regard to the thare of popularity which the Minifters enjoyed, there could hardly be a question about it. The whole Country were expreffing their opinion Gentlemen of rank, fortune, and high fituation, were daily requefting his Majefty to difmifs them for ever. Nothing ut a fenfe of duty could make thofe Gentleman act as they did. For the Oppofition had no places or penfions to allure them with. He wanted no place nor penfion from the Minifter. The Minifter could not corrupt him: but there was one thing only that he would ask him to grant. This was to restore to us our Conftitution He alfo hoped that the Right Honourable Gentleman would leffen the extravagant expendi ture of the public money, which was ftill more grating and infulting to the feelings of the people, than to their pockets. He had now loft the confidence of all the monied men. They no longer placed confidence in him. There was no one ground for oppofing the pefent Motion. It was obferved that Minifters were defirous of peace; he believed they were, for he believed they were defirous of not lofing their places; but this was no argument against their difmiffal. It might be urged in favour of the worst of Minifters. The Houfe were defired to rely on the Minister's honour. Whoever did fo would lean on a broken reed. He was decidedly for fupporting the Motion. of them. Mr. William Adams faid, that at this time every thing should be opposed that tended to diminish lawful_authority, or to embarrafs the operations of the Executive Power. No obftacles fhould be thrown in the way of Government. All party, all prejudice should be laid afide; and this is a moment when all No. 38. 8 R fhould fhould unite to fupport the dignity of our national character. He deprecated the unmanly defpondency that was taking poffeffion of men's minds. It was incumbent on the Houfe to awaken the spirit, and rouse the zeal of the House. Unanimity was our beft refource. He recommended it, as well as confidence in Minifters. He would conclude in the words of our Bard: "Nought can make us rue, "If England to herself will prove but true." Mr. Ellis faid, he would always fpeak his own opinions, and follow his own judgment, and this he had told his Constituents before they elected him. For his part he wanted no place, nor envied any perfon who had any place. He thanked God he poffeffed enough of the things of this world; and he believed. he had a good character, which he would endeavour to preferve. An Honourable Gentleman had begged of the Minifter that he would not hurt the Constitution. He would beg no fuch thing of any Minifter. He hoped the majority of the House and the country would protect the Conftitution, and not fuffer any Minifter whatfoever to injure it. With regard to the Treafon and Sedition Bills, they did not destroy nor injure the Conftitution. Who that had a building but would part with fome of it to preferve the reft? He regretted this war, but he thought it was neceffary. Its object was not, as had been faid, to reftore the Monarchy of France, but to keep a conftitutional Monarch on the throne of this kingdom; and this was an object for which he would expend every fhilling of his money, and lofe every drop of his blood. He faw throughout the country the gradual fucceffion of ranks: and he knew that all were protected, and that every individual had it in his power to raife himself to wealth and honour. He thought every thing would be well, if Gentlemen in this Houfe would be of one mind. This was no time to talk about changing Minifters. Would any one think of reforming his houshold at the moment his house was surrounded by thieves? Nothing would fave us but a bold front, manifested in that Affembly. Mr. Hobhoufe went into a detail to fhew that the war originated on the part of this country and not of France, and that the prohibition of the exportation of corn to France, the Alien Bill, the Correfpondence between Lord Grenville and Monf. Chauvelin, and the difmiffal of their Ambaffador, were paramount to a declaration of war. He contended alfo that they had neglected every favourable opportunity of making peace, fuch as the application of M. Le Brun for a paffport, the defection of Dumourier, &c. As a teft of their capacity, he afked if they had gained one object of the war? They had gone to war fer |