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the Administration of the affairs of this country be speedily puc into other hands, the nation would very soon be undoje.

Mr. I. H. Browne rose to oppose it. H acknowledged that the subject was of the highest importance, and th:refore he could not consent to give his vote on it, without inaking fome observations, which apcared to him very necessary for the House to take into their consideration. The Mocion of the · Worthy Alderman was no lufs than for the disin tial of the present Administration. Befor: he could give his ailent to such a Motion, it must first be proved to him that the Administration had done something for which they d served to be disiniff d. S) far from that being the cale, he was clearly of opinion, that the present was the best Adninistration, and had done more for the welfare and interests of this country than any he had ever known, or read of. Ho had been in Parliament twelve years, 2.1d had observed their actions very deliberatelv, and also the great talents of che Gentlemen in Oppo ition, who had been all that time continually watching and attacking them, and it was from this observation he had formed his opinion.

The Worthy Alderman who made, and the Honourable Ba. ronet who seconded the Mtion, hat both of then declared they thought themelves bound to follow th: instructions of their Conftituents, and as the R presentatives of the two fiift Cities in the Kingdom, their opinions were certainly entitled to the highest respect. For his own part he had the honour to represent a very populous place. His Constituents cualified of about two thousand. In returning him iheir represe.ita ive they had done their part. They had eleéted him to act for thein to the best of his judgment. That was his part, and that part only would he act. If his Conftitu.nts chole to infti uct him, h: should still pursue his own judgment, in spite of their instructions, in case he differed with them in opinion. If they were dilplealed at this, at the next General Election, they might reject him if they pleased. He therefore difered alco gener with the Worthy Alderman and the Honourable Baronet, on the subject of implicitly obeying instrutions from their Constituents. He looked upon himself as a really independent man, and had never received or Blicited any favour from Ministers. With regard to the present Administration, he thought the country owed every thing to them. The three greatest bleslings which a country could poffefs were Liberty, Tranquillity, in its internal concerns, and the general prosperity of it. With regard to each othere, no Aminiitration had ever done fo much for their security and preservation as the present.

As to the first point, Liberty, it was under the auspi es, and with the consent of the present Administration, that juries had * No. 38.

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received unequivocally the right which had been doubted and di puted of judging of all the circumstances of the case in point of low as weji as fact. It was under the auspices of the present Administration, and by their exertiers, even against very high and powerful authorities in tiat Hou, that the continuance of an imtea:bment had been carried. It was to the eloquence of the Chanceilor cf the Exchequer that that measure was chiefly to be attributed. He who of all other men might be most likely to be himself harrassed, by a long and tecious impeachment. It was by the present Administration that the Bill which was so abnoxious to the people of Canada had been repealed, and a lovely system of freedom subitituted in its place. When sedition had some time past ftalked abroad with gigantic steps,, an Adminiftration hostile to liberty would have taken hold of the op. portunity, and endeavoured to contract her powers. But had the present Administration done this? No, they had touched the fubicct with a lenient land, and the Bill they had brought forward for preventing and punishing fedition, they had moderately and gently limited to the term of two years. Though the most feditious meetings had been held, which threatened, if longer suffered, the most dreadful consequences to the country, the present Administration had not taken advantage of it to prevent meetings altogether, which they might have done. They had not prevented meetings for any purpose within the number of fifty; and by a lawful notice being given, any number of people whatever might meet, for any purpose actually afligned in such notice.

Mr. Browne then proceeded to notice the second point, Tranquillity, which he said had always been so clear, from the excellent measures adopted by Administration, that it was unnecessary for him to go any further into the subject, which spoke so plainly for itself. He now came, he said, to the third point, the general prosperity of the country, and on this he was certain no former Administration could ever claim, by any means, equal merit with the present. He would divide this head into two periods: the first from 1784 to 1792: the second from 1792, to the present moment.

In the year 1784 the present Chancellor came into office, and from that time to 1792, 10 country ever flourished more, nor did this country ever enjoy so large a portion of general profperity. By means of his great financial abilities, he raised the funds, which he found at 64, during the course of that period, to 97 or 98. In the same proportion with the funds, the trade, cominerce, manufactures, agriculture, industry, and ingenuity of the country kept equal pace in their increase of general prosperity, and the country had arrived to the most un

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exampled height of happiness. The peace of 1783 was supposed and said to be precarious, but by the great wildoin of the measures adopted by the present Administration, it was rendered not only permanent, but highly beneficial to the commercial and other interests of this country. The other period to which he had now to allude, he was forry to say, was a very painful reverse. These political evils however which had caused it, were entirely owing to the French Revolution, which had suddenly risen to a head, and, like a swelling torrent, burst every natural and artificial bound, and swept away all before it. It was worfe, he said, than the first irruption of the Goths and Vandals, or any other lavage nation that had ever been heard of. It threatened destruction to every civilized State and regular Government in Europe.

Much had been said, he observed, on the point of avoiding the war, and great blame was imputed to Ministers for not doing ro. He denied positively that it was possible to avoid it; and if it were, he was certain, he said, that by avoiding it, we should have been placed in a much more lamentable state than we now were in. 'Blame had also been imputed to Ministers for the expeditions which they had planned against the West India Islands of the Enemy. This was also without cause. The want of success in that quarter was not owing to any deficiency of wisdom in the measures pursued, or the plans adopted. It might fairly be set down to the unfortunate circumstance of the yellow fever breaking out in Philadelphia, and being from thence conveyed to the West Indies, where it operated like a plague or pestilence, and made a climate which had been considered as falubrious in former wars, so peftiferous as to change the productive soil of every Ifand into a hungry and universal yawning burial-ground. He contended that the war, though disastrous in some points of view, was absolutely necessary, and, taking it altogether, was the most glorious war that ever this country was engaged in. Our trade had increased in a degree of proportion unknown in the course of any former wars. The country owed every thing to the present Administration for entering into it, for they had by that, and he believed by that alone, kept the scene of action entirely from this country. It had ravaged and destroyed every part of Europe except this country, They had demanded the most dreadful requisitions of every Power on the Continent, and the Grand Duke of Tuscany had been obliged to sell his jewels in order to raise the last requisition of one hundred thousand crowns which they had levied on him. From these evils we had been saved by the present Administration. Would we change them for any other Administration in Europe ? No, he was bold to fay. Could we change them for 8 Q2

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any other fai of men, in this country, who were likely to be of more service to its interests? He believed not. He knew well the great talents and splendid abilities of several of the Gentlemen opp lite tu him, and could wiih they would act in union with those on his fide; but he feared that wish was vain. Mr. Browne then took an average view of the Bills of Inclosure and Canals, during 4 ycars before the war, and the same period since its commenceinent, and shewed, that in the latter period they had greatly increaled. There was one point he be ged leave to observe upon before he sat down, which was the great importance of the immediate preservation of tranquillity. This the present administration had, by the wisdom and firmness of their measures, uniformly obtained; he was afraid that removing them wouid greatly hazard this important matter, and this was a powerful reason with him for opposing it. He begged pardon of the House for detaining them to long, thanked them for the patience with which they had heard him, and concluded by giving his decided dissent to the Motion. i Wr. Alderma. Curti; began by observing, that his worthy friend and coileague had introduced his Motion by giving the strongest assurancs to the House, tha: he looked upon himtelf as always bound to act according to the instructions of his Conft cuents Yet his worthy friend had deviated from those instructions in the very wording of his Motion.---The instructions given by his Constituents were, that his worthy friend should either make or second a Motion for an Address to his Majelty to dismiss from his Councils for ever his present weak and wicked Ministers. But his worthy friend had left the word weak and wicked out of his Motion, which plainly and clearly thewed that he did not think they were so, and that he thought his Constituents wrong ia lo ftyling them. As to him. felf, he had candidly told his Constituents, at the time of the meeting, that he should act according to the dictates of his own conscience, regardless of any instructions. As, therefore, he did in his conscience think that his Majesty's present Ministers ought not to be dismissed, he should certainly give his decided negative to the present Motion,

Mr. Alderman Anderson objected also to the Motion made by his worthy Colleague. He had likewise at the last mee:ing told his Constituents, that his own conscience should be his only guide, on every occation where he was to give his vote. But he denied that these instructions, mentioned by his worthy Colleague, were the instructions of his Constituents. The Meeting at the Common Hall which gave thosc inítructions, formed but a very small part of his Conítituents. There was a Declaration drawn up and signed by a great number of Livery

men, men, and in a short time would be signed by many more, which directly contradicted the proceedings of the last Common Hall. He believed there were a great many men out of doors who were very bad indeed, and wanted to introduce anarchy a:id coniuti in. For this reason he thould give his positive and hearty a:gative to the Motion,

lir. Curwen said, that on a question of this important nature, h could not content himself with giving a filent vote. When he looked to the conduct of Ministers during the whole course of the war, he was surprised that at the present moment any one would stand up to defend them. He allowed the war appeared popular in the beginning, but he was certain the people had long been weary of and disgusted with it. He took a general view oi the conduct of Ministers, and shewed how many opportunities they had wilfully omitted of making peace upon terins the most satisiactory and honourable. They had been advised, by Gentremen near to him, to seize the opportunity when the opening of the Scheldt was the piet nce of offering terms, as soon as the French were driven from Holland within their own territories. The fame advice had been given them after the taking of Valenciennes, and at various other times, but had always been disregarded. How could any man suppose then that they meant to propuse it at all, or if they did, that they could stand any chance of accomplishing a peace who had so miserably conducted the war. He then adverted to their coercive próceedings in regard to the people of Ireland. That country, he faid, was, at present, 'in such a state as ought to make every thinking man tremble who wished to preserve an alliance bea tween the two countries. The fituation of that country was fuch, that he should hesitate to mention it, but that the truth muft luon come out. Indeed it was published by the Report af the Secret Committee of the House of Commons; and if that account was true, it must be clear to every one, that an entire emancipation of the Catholics, and a Reform in Parliament must immediately bigranted, or that country must be separated from this for ever. This dreadful situation had been brought on by the tricking versatile proceedings of Ministers here. They had checked the hopes of the Catholics---then they had raised them; and then had again checked them. The kingdom was no longer to be held but by an entire emancipation, or the most bitter coercion. For his part he did not know which way to give his opinion, but he was rather inclined to believe, that rather than keep the connection by means of the strong coercion of a numerous and powerful itandwg army, he would give his vote to grant them an ablolute independence. Viewing the conduct of Ministers through every poffible medium, he was

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