obferving on the dreadful measures which have been pursued, and which have brought it into its prefent fituation; on the dreadful measures that are ftill purfuing to bring it into still worfe! "When I fee means used towards Ireland fuch as were used towards our Colonies in America; when I fee the fame temper obferved; when I fee the fame vain hopes are entertained (vain, indeed!) of preferving dominion over our fellow fubjects by force of arms; when I hear opinions openly avowed that are hoftile to all good Government--when I fee that it is a part of the policy of the Executive Government to treat as rebels all who are difcontented, when whole Provinces are declared to be in a ftate of rebellion---when I reflect what the iffue has been of fuch policy already--when I remember that thirty-fix millions of money have been voted in this Seffion already, and know our refources to be faft exhaufting---when I remember, fee, feel, and reflect, I fay, on all these things, I cannot proceed but with a trembling hand; I cannot help fearing that, under the present Syftem of Government, we may do more harm than good by granting this vote even to the Sifter Kingdom: that vote, however, I cannot oppofe. But, with regard to the vote to the Emperor, I have no difficulty myself of meeting it with my direct negative; but, in order to give time to others who may hefitate, I fhall propofe that we should wait to know the event of the armistice before we vote away any more money. I thereThe forms of fore move, That you do now leave the Chair. the House will allow of your fitting again, and then the vote for the Irish Loan may pass. The Chancellor of the Exchequer." The arguments upon which the Right Honourable Gentleman has founded his motion for delay may be brought into a very narrow compass. I am perfuaded that the Houfe, on a retrofpection of the Right Honourable Gentleman's arguments on the fame fubject on former occafions, could not fail of feeing the manifeft inconsistency that pervaded his manner of treating it this night; for when the fubject was brought before the House fome time ago by an Honour.able Friend of his, (Mr. Sheridan) he was then for the House deciding in the negative upon fending fupplies to the Emperor, without fo much as waiting for the report of the Secret Committee, which he contended was neceffary, in order to be enabled to judge of the expediency and propriety of fuch a measure. But now, when that Report is before the Committee, and when a fpecific propofition is made for making farther advances to his Imperial Majefty, inftead of negativing, he only defires to postpone it: leaving it an undecided matter whether the measure was ultimately to receive his negative or affirmative: and after all, all, what is the amount of the Right Honourable Gentleman's propofition, and of the effect to refult from it? After confuming time in awaiting answers---time in which irreparable mifchief might be done---we fhall have to lament the confequences of a delay which may precipitate the Emperor into that feparate peace which it is our intereft to avoid; but which, if it fhould take place, would not make the measure propofed in the least more harmful. Will the Right Honourable Gentleman fay, that if the Emperor was now in danger of being compelled to a separate peace, there was no rik in delay? or will he take upon him to affert, when those three days in which he faid we might know whether the negotiation ended in a feparate peace, or was broken off, were expired, that we should not then be in as great uncertainty with respect to the refult or the terms of the negotiation as at prefent? or might we not then probably find that the nego tiation was protracted and hanging fufpended in doubt upon fome important, critical, or difficult point of adjustment: and that it ftood in that ftate depending perhaps entirely on the question now agitating in the Commons of England, whether his Imperial Majefty was to receive affistance or not, and whether that affift ance was or was not granted with alacrity and good will? Will the Right Honourable Gentleman, or will any man, take upon him the refponfibility that the iffue which it was propofed by the motion to await, would be decided in three days hence? and if that refult was fo uncertain, who is the man that would wish to have to reproach himfelf with being the inftigator of a delay which would, in fo very important a crifis, occafion fo dangerous, or perhaps fo fatal a lofs of time. The Houfe then thould undoubtedly take into confideration the risk they would incur by delay, and combine it with the certainty that no poffible harm could refult from an immediate grant, and on both together ground their decifion; and if, on the one hand, there could arife no poffible injury, and on the other, the most inestimable good must enfue, who could hefitate a moment in adopting the original propofition, and negativing the motion for delay? "But, fays the Right Honourable Gentleman, the negotiation may be broken off on points for which it may not be worth while for this country to contend. In anfwer to this, it is only neceflary for me to fay, that the Ministers themselves perhaps do not know the terms which are in difcuffion between parties, and if this was a subject on which the Right Hon. Gentleman did not chufe to give any opinion, it would furely be far more improper for me to ftate what I may confider as terms which ought to be accepted or rejected. This the Right Honourable Gentleman does not require, and if any perfon was fo foolish as to demand fuch an explanation, I should have no hesitation in refufing refufing it. For what would it be but to give affiftance to France, by putting her in poffeffion of your fentiments upon a fubject of which the fhould be kept entirely ignorant? But is there any one who will deny, that a vote of the Parliament of England, paffed with unanimity and decifion, granting ample pecuniary fuccours to our ally, may materially affect the terms on which peace may be concluded? Does it not immediately affect the queftion of the Emperor making a feparate peace? And if he is unfortunately driven to that extremity, will it not enable him to conclude a peace on better terms to himfelf, and confequently on better terms to this country; for it ought to be recollected that whatever additional conceffions he extorts from the Enemy for himfelf, it is fo much gained to us, fince they will help to ftrike a balance of power more favourable to Great Britain? This is a point fo clear, that it is quite unneceffary to dilate in illustration of it. Upon these grounds I am perfuaded that the Committee will fee the propriety of rejecting the Motion for. delay, and of agreeing to the Refolution." Mr. Fox. The Right Honourable Gentleman has attempted to affix a charge of inconfiftency upon my conduct, in giving my decided negative to any farther remittance to the Emperor on a former day, and the motion which I have at prefent made for delay. I think, however, I fhall have no great difficulty in exculpating myself from the charge. I then gave my negative to any pecuniary remittance to the Emperor, from a conviction of the impolicy and danger of fuch a measure at the prefent, and I am as ready to give that negative now as I was then. But is there any inconfiftency with having given a negative to a measure and recommending it to the Committee to fufpend giving it their affirmative? The Right Honourable Gentleman contends that the Committee ought to come to an immediate decifion, because the vote may affect the terms on which peace may be concluded. But I will afk, where is the probability of its influencing the prefent negotiation? Was not an armiftice granted, and not without fome difcuffion of the terms, for only fix days, and has it not been prolonged, not for an indefinite time, but for only three days more? How then is it poffible that the vote of this night can affect a difcuffion which is probably already terminated? What I wish to know is, whether a separate peace has not been already concluded by the Emperor; or whether the negotiation has not been broken off; and if it is broken off, what were the points of difference between the parties which produced the rupture. The Right Honourable Gentleman fuppofed that it was part of my argument that the vote of this evening might affect the pending negotiation, which it really was not. All I contended for was a fhort delay, No. 34 7 U till till the issue of that negotiation was known, and if it was broken off, the points for which the war is to be continued. For fuppofing the negotiation to be broken off on a point in which this country may find itfelf no ways interested, in what a strange fituation fhall we be placed after having voted thefe pecuniary fuccours. We fhall be enabling the Emperor to continue the war till he gains a point which is of no importance to us, and which, when he has gained, he will be ready to conclude a peace, perhaps without the confent of this country; fo that in fact it may happen that we are about to vote a fum to the Emperor to enable him to make a feparate peace. The vote of this evening can do no poffible good, except you can fuppofe that the negotiation will be continued, and that the news of it will reach Vienna before the negotiation be finifhed. Now, what are the circumftances in which we ftand? The armistice terminated on the 16th, and there are letters from the Vienna Gazette of the 15th in town. We have only to wait, therefore, for three or four days, in order to know whether the armiftice has been prolonged, and negotiations are going on, or whether the war be again renewed. But if we vote the refolution now proposed, we bind ourselves to fend remittances, not knowing whether a separate peace may not already have been concluded with the Enemy by our Ally, and fuppofing the war to be continued, not knowing whether it is to be carried on for points for which it may be for the interest of this country to contend. The Right Honourable Gentleman had faid, that it would be good for us to make the Emperor continue the war---I grant it, for argument's fake; but if the point on which the two negotiating parties differed was trivial in itfelf, our fupplying the Emperor with money would only ferve to haften a feparate peace. The Chancellor of the Exchequer contended that a mail might reach Vienna in ten or twelve days, with the account of the vote which he proposed the Committee now to pass, and that if the negotiation was then pending, it would materially affect the terms of difcuffion. In reply, alfo, to what Mr. Fox stated, that the Committee might perhaps be voting a fum to enable the Emperor to conclude a feparate peace, he urged the discretionary power vefted in Government, to ftop the fupplies upon the fuppofition of fuch an event taking place. Mr. Fox replied that there was no probability of the negotiation remaining unterminated in twelve days. It was only a poffible cafe, and the probability was that the negotiation was already concluded. Mr. Grey." I beg leave to trouble the Committee only for a few moments. The Right Honourable Gentleman talks of ftopping the remittances upon the event of the Emperor con cluding 1249 cluding a feparate peace. But I fhould wish to know whether this will be in his power. It is to be recollected that the affiftance now propofed to be granted to the Emperor is not by fub fidy, but by Loan; and I would wish to know whether he will have the fame power to ftop the payments upon a Loan, after it is contracted for, as the remittances of a fubfidy. I think, therefore, that the Committee fhould wait till they were informed of the iffue of the negotiation which they knew to have been entered into, and which by this time may have been concluded. I have nothing, however, to urge upon this head in addition to the arguments used by my Right Honourable Friend. The Right Honourable Gentleman, however, in the course of his fpeech, referred to the Report of the Secret Committee, and upon this point I muft fay a few words. Does the Right Honourable Gentleman mean to contend from that Report that the remittances to the Emperor did not contribute materially to affect the state of cafh in the Bank, and to produce thofe calamities which have fince happened? I think I will take upon myself to argue that that is not borne out in any fuch inference by the Report of that Committee. He contended that the remittances to the Emperor were not the immediate caufe of the ftoppage of the Bank, but granting that the immediate caufe of that calamity in point of time was the alarm of invafion excited in the country, he will not prove to the fatisfaction of any candid and confiderate man that this was the only, or even the principal caufe. If we go back to the remote causes of that unfortunate event, we shall find that the Committee has afcribed it to the drain of cafh, occafioned by the amount of foreign expenditure, and materially and principally by the remittances fent to the Emperor. It appeared to the Committee, that from the time that the first remittance was fent to the Emperor, there was a fenfible diminution of cafh in the Bank, and that these remittances, frequently repeated, reduced the Bank to fuch a fituation that the comparatively fmaller drain which afterwards took place, produced that calamity which we all deplore, and which it ought to be the object of our exertion, as foon as poffible, to remedy. I contend, therefore, that it was the remittances to the Emperor which was the material and operative caufe of the ftoppage of the Bank, and that if thefe be continued it never will refume its payments. If the Right Honourable Gentleman doubts my opinion, I appeal to the frequent remonftrances which were made to him by the Directors of the Bank against the ruinous fyftem which they faw he was purfuing. Now, Sir, to apply thefe obfervations to the prefent queftion. The Right Honourable Gentleman talks of the great advantage of Continental diversions. For my part I think we have had enough of |