Chapter 2: Overview of the 14 Neighborhoods Studied

Philip Nyden

Loyola University, Chicago

John Lukehart

Leadership Council for Metropolitan Open Communities

Michael T. Maly

Roosevelt University

William Peterman

Chicago State University

The 14 communities studied vary significantly in both the nature of their diversity and the context within which diversity was achieved and is maintained. In the initial stages of the project, 14 neighborhoods were chosen from a pool of 77 neighborhoods in more than 20 cities. To select the final 14 neighborhoods to research, care was given to choose those that varied in relation to the following characteristics:

■Racial composition.

■The level of segregation in the city.

The age of the city.

■The regional location of the city.

The consistency with which informants identified the areas as diverse.

■The presence or absence of community organizations committed to sustaining diversity.

In this chapter, we provide an overview of each neighborhood and place it in the context of our diverse-by-direction and diverse-by-circumstance models. We are not rigidly classifying each community into one of the models, but rather we use the models as analytical tools for understanding what produces diversity in contemporary U.S. cities.

Model One: Diversity by Direction

In this section, four neighborhoods are introduced. Each neighborhood generally fits with the diverse-by-direction model described in chapter one. According to this model, neighborhoods became racially and ethnically diverse through conscious, directed, goaloriented action. Biracial coalitions generally work together both to promote the benefits

: A Journal of Policy Development and Research • Volume 4,

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of diversity and to challenge the forces perceived to be involved in pushing the community toward resegregation.

Although the communities differ from one another and have unique characteristics, they have all developed an array of community organizations, social networks, and institutional accommodations focused directly on the issue of diversity. The residents and organizations in these communities intend to welcome minority in-migrants, as well as prevent panic by the existing White households, and to reduce the power of forces that potentially undermine community stability.

Sherman Park-Milwaukee, Wisconsin

Located on Milwaukee's northwest side, Sherman Park has approximately 60,000 residents. Milwaukee was once one of the Nation's leading industrial centers, but it has experienced the negative effects of deindustrialization and inner-city disinvestment during the past 30 years. Milwaukee's racial residential patterns are characterized by intense segregation. Since the 1920s, deliberate attempts at racial exclusion and steering of African-American renters and homebuyers have led to substantial racial isolation. In the late 1960s, Sherman Park established a record of promoting diversity and inclusivity within the neighborhood. The Sherman Park Community Association (SPCA) was formed in response to racial change occurring in surrounding neighborhoods. The neighborhood borders a low-income African-American community. Despite the changes in the Milwaukee metropolitan area, Sherman Park possesses strengths that have allowed it to continue to attract middle-class homeseekers. A mix of middle-income and affordable housing, easy access to jobs and commercial shopping, proximity to cultural attractions and events, and available public transportation all contribute to the neighborhood's attractiveness.

The positive image of Sherman Park is largely a product of efforts of SPCA. The association has been a strong force in challenging banks, developers, real estate agents, and other institutions threatening the area's diversity. SPCA's statement of purpose, developed in 1976, explains that the goal of the organization is to encourage people of "all races, religions, and national origins" to work together in creating good-quality schools, maintaining and repairing housing, and building a diverse, attractive, and convenient community.

Some factors outside Sherman Park's control have contributed to the community's ability to sustain its diversity. For example, citywide school choice eliminated many of the fears that Sherman Park's children would not have access to good-quality schools if the stereotypical pattern of African-American "invasion" took place along with the expected decline in school quality. Correct or incorrect, this type of belief could have provided the stimulus for White flight.

Over 30 years, Sherman Park has been transformed from a community that had little discernible identity and seemed fated for racial change and urban blight to a self-conscious, proactively integrated community. Credit for preventing neighborhood decline can be attributed to local efforts to marshal resources in the name of neighborhood improvement and maintenance of diversity.

Vollintine-Evergreen-Memphis, Tennessee

Vollintine-Evergreen, a neighborhood of nearly 11,000 residents 20 minutes from downtown Memphis, has a history of racial and ethnic diversity dating back to the 1960s. With its location in a medium-size Southern city, Vollintine-Evergreen contrasts with other neighborhoods in the study. A history of race relations characteristic of a Southern city and a much closer relationship between neighborhood and city leaders and institutions distinguishes Vollintine-Evergreen.

The neighborhood was evenly split between African-American and White residents in 1990. With a median income equal to that of the city and a relatively stable population, Vollintine-Evergreen has remained a viable, racially mixed community for more than 25 years. Like Sherman Park, the diversity in Vollintine-Evergreen was directed. From 1970 to 1972, ministers and churches, neighborhood organizations, and residents became actively involved in challenging practices that might have led to resegregation and undermined diversity. The Vollintine-Evergreen Community Association (VECA) was founded out of these efforts and has been the key player for maintaining racial diversity and inclusivity in the area. In addition to VECA, Rhodes College, located within Vollintine-Evergreen's boundaries, has also played an active role in maintaining the racial diversity of the neighborhood.

Vollintine-Evergreen best fits the diversity-by-design model. In the early 1970s, AfricanAmerican in-migration began to occur. As in other neighborhoods, this migration led to blockbusting, fear of lower real estate values, and White flight. VECA was born as a formal organization during this period. African-American and White resident volunteers, largely church members and ministers, formed VECA to “articulate a set of values that stressed the diverse nature of the neighborhood." The organization has maintained a diverse membership over time, and today it has a significant volunteer network that is actively involved in community-building activities. Recently, VECA received a major grant from the Pew Charitable Trusts through the Neighborhood Preservation Initiative to support community development. A principal reason VECA received the grant money was because of its long history of volunteerism and diversity.

In the past 2 years, VECA has changed, both as an organization and in the activities in which it has been engaged. The foundation money has stimulated numerous neighborhood development activities. Recognizing the success in Vollintine-Evergreen, the city of Memphis has provided new fiscal and political support for the diversity efforts.

West Mount Airy-Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

West Mount Airy, a neighborhood in the northwest section of Philadelphia with a population of 14,000 in 1990, has achieved national acclaim as a model of stable racial diversity. Well-known for its maintenance of racial and ethnic diversity, the neighborhood was a logical choice for closer examination. The racial composition of the area remained almost equally split between Whites and African-Americans during the 1980s. West Mount Airy is a middle-class community with a mix of owner- and renter-occupied housing. And while the neighborhood can be termed economically mixed, even at the low end its median household income is higher than that of the city. Like Sherman Park and Vollintine-Evergreen, West Mount Airy has made a conscious effort to promote and channel racial and social inclusivity, thus fitting the diverse-by-direction model of urban diversity.

West Mount Airy was almost entirely White until the 1950s, when it began to experience racial change. In contrast to other areas, the neighborhood did not resegregate. Abstractly, several reasons account for the maintenance of the racial mix. Demographically, incoming African-Americans were not seen as threatening to incumbent Whites, given the social status of each group. The African-Americans moving in had relatively high incomes, occupational prestige, and overall socioeconomic status. White residents had high levels of income, education, financial stability, and liberal values. Together, these factors created a less alarming atmosphere for Whites, and as a result, White residents did not move en masse. Also, the social status of each group was buoyed by a diverse housing stock, which continues to be open to a range of income groups. Finally, its proximity to Fairmount Park, a suburbanlike atmosphere, and relative low density make West Mount Airy one of the most attractive neighborhoods in Philadelphia.

However, an even greater factor in preserving the neighborhood's diversity has been the efforts of residents and organizations to promote and sustain racial diversity. When more African-Americans started purchasing homes in West Mount Airy in the 1960s, religious congregations and resident activists responded quickly by organizing door-to-door campaigns to calm any fears that residents might have had about resegregation. At this time leaders created neighborhoodwide organizations to address a variety of issues. These initial efforts have been expanded and have led to a sustained organizational framework that promotes stable diversity. West Mount Airy is a good example of how early intervention in the process of racial change can maintain diversity.

West Mount Airy has remained diverse for nearly four decades. In many ways, the neighborhood is the typical diverse-by-direction community. Nearly all White, the neighborhood experienced in-migration of African-American households. Stable racial diversity resulted from conscious, directed, and goal-oriented actions to fight those entities that were perceived to be involved in pushing the community toward resegregation.

Park Hill-Denver, Colorado

The Greater Park Hill neighborhood, adjacent to the recently closed old Denver airport, is a community of approximately 25,000 people in the central north section of Denver. Largely residential, Park Hill's median income in 1980 was 48 percent greater than that of the city, making it solidly middle class. Like Sherman Park, Vollintine-Evergreen, and West Mount Airy, the racial diversity of Park Hill consists of the mixing of White and African-American residents. In 1990 Park Hill's population was characterized by equal percentages of each group, which had also been the case for the two preceding decades. Internally, the community is split into three sections, each marked by various degrees of racial homogeneity. However, there has been an effort to maintain the diversity of the overall neighborhood by a variety of organizations. For 34 years, a multiracial community organization dedicated to promoting inclusivity for all people has served the community. Given this long history of locally based activism focusing on maintaining its diversity, Park Hill was a good choice for indepth study.

Park Hill's racial history is a familiar one. Park Hill was majority White until the 1950s. At that time, a community adjacent to Park Hill began to resegregate. As real estate agents used a "fill-the-block" approach, demand for more housing brought the first African-American families into Park Hill in 1956. Seven of Park Hill's largest churches joined on May 6, 1956, to urge Park Hill residents to welcome people of all colors to the neighborhood and churches. However, a White panic, largely resulting from real estate-inspired panic-peddling and blockbusting techniques, began to spread.