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Chapter 1: Neighborhood Racial and Ethnic Diversity in U.S. Cities

Philip Nyden

Loyola University, Chicago

John Lukehart

Leadership Council for Metropolitan Open Communities

Michael T. Maly

Roosevelt University

William Peterman

Chicago State University

The existence of racially and ethnically diverse urban neighborhoods is one of our
Nation's best-kept secrets. Instead of telling about these places, the media regularly
report on the continued legacy of racial and ethnic tensions in the United States. As
the Nation is becoming more racially and ethnically diverse and the 21st century
approaches, social scientists see possibilities of a patchwork of segregated urban neigh-
borhoods or options for more diversity within our neighborhoods. Although diversity
and multiculturalism are words in vogue, the current controversy about affirmative action
suggests that there is hardly any consensus on the state or progress of race relations in the
United States. In private conversations, out of public scrutiny, skepticism about the practi-
cality of diversity—particularly diverse residential neighborhoods—is apparent. The
politics of race is such a tinderbox that many dare not suggest a variation from business as
usual, for fear of igniting caustic debates over this country's history of racism and ethno-
centrism and over what our future could look like. To some, the civil rights movement
has been relegated to the halls of history-it is viewed as a movement of days past to be
recognized and celebrated once a year.

This study seeks to challenge the skeptics and policy pessimists. It documents several
successful, stable, racially and ethnically diverse neighborhoods in our cities. We recog-
nize that such neighborhoods are, by far, the exception rather than the rule. At the same
time, we assert that within these neighborhoods there may be alternative models of living
and interacting-models valuable to a Nation fast becoming more diverse. A recent analy-
sis of U.S. demographic trends notes that "by the middle of the 21st century, today's
minorities will comprise nearly one-half of all Americans" (O'Hare, 1992). This begs
the question: Will we become a Nation of coexisting, cooperating groups sharing our
resources, or will we become an even more segregated society, with each racial and
ethnic group battling for its piece of the pie?

Cityscape: A Journal of Policy Development and Research • Volume 4, Number 2 • 1998

Cityscape 1

The neighborhoods we describe in this study have maintained their racial and ethnic diversity for at least 10 years and as long as 30 years. The study was not created in the heads of academic researchers; rather, it has been a nontraditional project involving collaboration among university researchers and community-based leaders. The study thus has benefited both from academics' research skills and knowledge of the literature and from community leaders' experience and day-to-day practical wisdom. The findings of this research project, therefore, are anchored in the everyday reality of community life.

In the United States, diverse urban communities are unquestionably the exception to what sociologists Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton (1993) refer to as "American apartheid." Massey and Denton describe a present-day "hypersegregation" that has marginalized African-Americans and Latinos in the housing and job markets. They correctly identify these segregated communities "as an institutional tool for isolating the byproducts of racial oppression: crime, drugs, violence, illiteracy, poverty, despair and their growing social and economic costs." Their analyses, along with many others, clearly indicate a dominant pattern of housing discrimination and segregation.

This apartheid goes beyond race. Our Nation has also been marked by significant economic segregation, which has become much more of a problem for city residents during the past decade. Low-income, inner-city neighborhoods have suffered economically as a result of the out-migration of the middle class to the suburbs, the shift from a manufacturing-based to a service-based economy, the displacement of poor people caused by gentrification, and the economic downturn of the 1970s and 1980s. A dwindling tax base and a large percentage of predominantly minority residents without competitive skills and employment opportunities increase the marginalization of these neighborhoods and continue to undermine the viability of central cities.

Although polls have indicated a strong demand for a larger number of diverse neighborhoods than actually exist (Darden, 1987), such neighborhoods are commonly perceived as inherently unstable. Whether the perception is correct or not, for middle-income groups, racial or economic diversity is often a flag for neighborhood decline and decreasing housing values. For lower income groups, diversity is often a flag for gentrification, inevitably leading to displacement. Neighborhood character is thus determined not only by physical structures and amenities, but also by social, political, and cultural practices that create a perception of community (Goetze, 1979). These practices and resulting perceptions can be affected by institutions outside the neighborhood (for example, the media, the real estate industry, lending institutions, and local government) as well as inside the neighborhood (for example, community-based organizations, schools, religious congregations, business owners, and other neighborhood groups) (Taub et al., 1984).

There has been substantial documentation of forces outside the neighborhood that influence who lives in what neighborhood. In a Wall Street Journal column, writer Hugh Pearson (1996) observes:

The pervasive practice of discrimination in the real estate industry... is the major reason there are predominantly black neighborhoods, Hispanic neighborhoods, Asian neighborhoods and white ones, which tend to contain the best housing stock of all. And it is a major reason racial misunderstanding continues, since it lessens opportunities for interaction across our artificial racial barriers.

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