WOODROW WILSON

33. GREETING TO FRANCE

ON BASTILE DAY, JULY 14, 1918

AMERICA greets France on this day of stirring memories with a heart full of warm friendship, and of devotion to the great cause in which the two peoples are now so happily united. July 14th, like our own July 4th, has taken on a new significance, not only for France but for the world. As France celebrated our Fourth of July, so do we celebrate her Fourteenth, keenly conscious of a comradeship of arms and of purpose of which we are deeply proud.

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The sea seems very narrow today, France is so neighbor to our hearts. The war is being fought to save ourselves 10O from intolerable things, but it is also being fought to save mankind. We extend our hands to each other, to the great peoples with whom we are associated, and to the peoples everywhere who love right and prize justice as a thing beyond price, and consecrate ourselves once more 15 to the noble enterprise of peace and justice, realizing the great conceptions that have lifted France and America high among the free peoples of the world.

The French flag floats today from the staff of the White House, and America is happy to do honor to that 20 flag.

WOODROW WILSON

34. THERE CAN BE NO HALFWAY PEACE

INDEPENDENCE DAY ADDRESS AT MOUNT VERNON,
JULY 4, 1918

GENTLEMEN OF THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS AND MY FELLOW CITIZENS: I am happy to draw apart with you to this quiet place of old counsel in order to speak a little of the meaning of this day of our nation's independence. 5 The place seems very still and remote. It is as serene and untouched by the hurry of the world as it was in those great days long ago when General Washington was here and held leisurely conference with the men who were to be associated with him in the creation of a nation. From 10 these gentle slopes they looked out upon the world and saw it whole, saw it with the light of the future upon it, saw it with modern eyes that turned away from a past which men of liberated spirits could no longer endure. It is for that reason that we cannot feel, even here, in the 15 immediate presence of this sacred tomb, that this is a place of death. It was a place of achievement. A great promise that was meant for all mankind was here given plan and reality. The associations by which we are here surrounded are the inspiriting associations of that noble death which 20 is only a glorious consummation. From this green hillside we also ought to be able to see with comprehending eyes

the world that lies around us and conceive anew the purpose that must set men free.

It is significant significant of their own character and purpose and of the influences they were setting afoot that Washington and his associates, like the Barons at 5 Runnymede, spoke and acted, not for a class, but for a people. It has been left for us to see to it that it shall be understood that they spoke and acted, not for a single people only, but for all mankind. They were thinking not of themselves and of the material interests which 10 centered in the little groups of landholders and merchants and men of affairs with whom they were accustomed to act, in Virginia and the colonies to the north and south of her, but of a people which wished to be done with classes and special interests and the authority of men whom they 15 had not themselves chosen to rule over them. They entertained no private purpose, desired no peculiar privilege. They were consciously planning that men of every class should be free and America a place to which men out of every nation might resort who wished to share with 20 them the rights and privileges of free men. And we take our cue from them do we not? We intend what they intended. We here in America believe our participation in this present war to be only the fruitage of what they planted. Our case differs from theirs only in this, that 25 it is our inestimable privilege to concert with men out of every nation who shall make not only the liberties of America secure but the liberties of every other people as well. We are happy in the thought that we are permitted to do what they would have done had they been in our 30 place. There must now be settled, once for all, what was settled for America in the great age upon whose inspiration

we draw today. This is surely a fitting place from which calmly to look out upon our task, that we may fortify our spirits for its accomplishment. And this is the appropriate place from which to avow, alike to the friends who look on 5 and to the friends with whom we have the happiness to be associated in action, the faith and purpose with which we act.

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This, then, is our conception of the great struggle in which we are engaged. The plot is written plain upon Io every scene and every act of the supreme tragedy. On the one hand stand the peoples of the world not only the peoples actually engaged, but many others, also, who suffer under mastery but cannot act; peoples of many races and in every part of the world the people of 15 stricken Russia still, among the rest, though they are for the moment unorganized and helpless. Opposed to them, masters of many armies, stand an isolated, friendless group of Governments, who speak no common purpose, but only selfish ambitions of their own, by which none can 20 profit but themselves, and whose peoples are fuel in their hands; Governments which fear their people, and yet are for the time being sovereign lords, making every choice for them and disposing of their lives and fortunes as they will, as well as of the lives and fortunes of every 25 people who fall under their power Governments clothed with the strange trappings and the primitive authority of an age that is altogether alien and hostile to our own. The Past and the Present are in deadly grapple, and the peoples of the world are being done to death between them.

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There can be but one issue. The settlement must be final. There can be no compromise. No halfway decision would be tolerable. No halfway decision is con

ceivable. These are the ends for which the associated peoples of the world are fighting and which must be conceded them before there can be peace:

I. The destruction of every arbitrary power anywhere that can separately, secretly, and of its single choice dis- 5 turb the peace of the world; or, if it cannot be presently destroyed, at the least its reduction to virtual impotence. II. The settlement of every question, whether of territory, of sovereignty, of economic arrangement, or of political relationship, upon the basis of the free acceptance 10 of that settlement by the people immediately concerned, and not upon the basis of the material interest or advantage of any other nation or people which may desire a different settlement for the sake of its own exterior influence or mastery.

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III. The consent of all nations to be governed in their conduct toward each other by the same principles of honor and of respect for the common law of civilized society that govern the individual citizens of all modern States in their relations with one another; to the end that all 20 promises and covenants may be sacredly observed, no private plots or conspiracies hatched, no selfish injuries wrought with impunity, and a mutual trust established upon the handsome foundation of a mutual respect for right.

IV. The establishment of an organization of peace 25 which shall make it certain that the combined power of free nations will check every invasion of right and serve to make peace and justice the more secure by affording a definite tribunal of opinion to which all must submit and by which every international readjustment that can- 30 not be amicably agreed upon by the peoples directly concerned shall be sanctioned.