ted President fairly by the voice of the American people. Who was Henry Clay? Who James K. Polk? Who the arch conspirators by whom Clay was robbed of the Presidency-by whom the American people were cheated of their choice as Chief Magistrate; and what the agencies or means by which a result so disastrous to the nation was accomplished? What the motives or ends which influenced the agencies for a result so lamentable? Just now, in presence of the Democratic design to seize the presidency by Mexicanizing the Republic-by subverting the Constitution and the laws, by bulldozing, by ballot-box stuffing, and by all other possible nefarious means these inquiries are pertinent and pregnant We will answer them as briefly as pos ones. sible. The "great commoner,” Henry Clay, who would “rather be right than be President!"-His unknown Democrat opponent, James K. Polk. For nearly a half century, in 1844, from 1797, when Kentucky was framing a new State constitution, Henry Clay had been active in the service of his country. A Senator of the United States in 1806, when only twenty-nine years old, and distinguished, even at that early age, for eminent ability and eloquence; unrivaled subsequently as the Speaker and leader of the House; equally brilliant in the Senate and Cabinet, in war as in peace, as a statesman, orator and diplomat; pre-eminent for his chivalrous courage and lofty patriotism, and probably the only man of his time who could, without personal ridicule, have uttered his celebrated apothegm, "I would rather be right than President!" Such was Henry Clay, "the great commoner," the Whig candidate for President in 1844; while his opponent, Polk, was so little known, his services to the nation of so little consequence, that upon his nomination by the Democracy the cry went throughout the Republic, Who is James K. Polk?" The vote by which Clay was rightfully elected and entitled to the PresidencyThe villainous Democratic frauds by which he was 66 counted out." Henry Clay was the choice of the American people for President, and a decided majority of the votes actually cast was thrown for him. He was chosen President by the voice of his countrymen, and under the Constitution and laws-by all the rules of right-was entitled to the presidency. None now doubt that. As a matter of history it is notorious. Nevertheless, in the House, in 1845, the electoral vote counted was: For Polk, 170; for Clay, 105; while Polk's minority on the popular vote was 24,119. The electoral colleges counted for Polk included that of New York (36), Pennsylvania (26), Georgia (10), Louisiana (6)—in all 78 votes to all of which Clay was entitled by decided popular majorities in all those States. Hence, add those 78 votes to Clay's 105, and deduct them from Polk's 170, will give Clay 183 votes and reduce Polk's to 92, making Clay's majority in the electoral colleges 91, the real result of the canvass, but which was defeated by the deliberatelyplanned frauds of the Democracy. Even strike from Polk's 170 New York's 36 votes, which State Clay confessedly carried by from 5,000 to 10,000 majority, will leave Polk but 134 electoral votes and give Clay 141, a majority of 7 in the colleges. Samuel J. Tilden's guilty complicity in the Democratic villainy ! In all these villainous frauds, Samuel J. Tilden, in New York, aided by the notorious Isaiah Rynders and his cohort of unprincipled ruffians, and in Louisiana by the equally notorious John Slidell, a New Yorker by birth, was, as a leading Democrat of the Empire State, the headquarters of the conspiracy for the defeat of Clay, an active and efficient coworker. It is not strange, therefore, that Tilden, who in the campaign of 1876, simply attempted, in behalf of himself, to repeat the frauds of 1844 against Clay, should be chagrined at his failure, and that he and his partisans should so fiercely denounce fraud against the Republicans as they did in 1844 denounce Clay and the Whigs. Gamblers' conspiracy at the bottom of these grave Democratic crimes-And Tilden's guilty participation in them. 66 That Henry Clay was entitled, and confessedly entitled, to the electoral votes of the States of New York, Pennsylvania, Georgia, and Louisiana-seventy-eight in all-which, by fraud, by the counting in " process which the Democracy now charge against the Republicans, were counted for Polk, we have before us the proofs in a number of shapes. They cannot be questioned. In 1844 a combination of gamblers, through a system of betting all over the country in favor of Polk, as in the canvass of 1876 in favor of Tilden, secured by their winnings the means of defraying the expenses of the frauds. That was notoriously so in New York, Pennsylvania, and Louisiana.-Horace Greeley, in 1848, in one of his "Open Letters to a Politician "-to Samuel J. Tilden - reminds Tilden of these grave crimes, and of his participation in them. All may see the details at length in Greeley's Life of Henry Clay, in Calvin Colton's, in "The Whig Review," and kindred works, of the wholesale and systematic villainy, the great crime, by which the illustrious Clay was defrauded of New York and the other Statesby agencies similar to those which, in 1868, in New York, Tilden "counted in" Seymour and Hoffman when Grant and Griswold had carried the State. "Counting in" peculiarly a Democratic process-The bogus Democratic vote of New York in 1844-The Pennsylvania Democratic frauds of that year. This "counting in" is peculiarly a Democratic process - an invention to which the Democracy, and only the Democracy, have a | In the Whig counties less than the legal vote sole and undisputed right. In New York, in 1844, of the popular vote Polk was in a minority of 10,706 votes. His plurality over Clay was only 5,106. That he obtained in the city and its surroundings by fraudulent naturalization, by repeating and ballot-box stuffing; by the manufacture and count, through such infamous agencies, of from 10,000 to 15,000 bogus votes. Some place the number as high as 20,000. as shown by the tax-list was polled; but in the Democratic counties of Forsyth Lumpkin, Habersham and Franklin the lawful vote was 3,202. They returned a vote of 4,014 for Polk and 1,825 for Clay-in all 5,835-a fraud in these four counties alone of 2,633; and so on throughout all the Democratic counties of Georgia. Nevertheless, Polk's majority in the State was only 2,077. The infamous Democratic frauds in Louisiana-Open, notorious, shameful. lainous. No attempt was ever made to disIn Louisiana the frauds were truly vilguise or cover them. They were open, their infamous engineer, and under his manipnotorious, and shameful. John Slidell was ulation thousands of fraudulent votes were In Pennsylvania the frauds were equally flagrant. At the October election it was admitted by the best posted of the Democracy that Clay in the State was at least 10,000 votes stronger than General Markle, the Whig candidate for Governor. Hence, in order to beat Clay in November, Shunk's majority must reach 10,000. It was only 4,282, fully 6,000 less than the Democratic estimate as absolutely necessary to beat Clay. Neverthe-counted for Polk in New Orleans and all along A single instance will the Mississippi river. less, Clay was beaten. His vote, as the illustrate all. Up to the day of the rebellionDemocracy had calculated, was 5,2 0 greater than Markle's, and was drawn principally up to 1861-the largest aggregate vote polled from Shunk's; yet Polk's majority in the in Plaquemine parish was 550; in 1844 it gave Polk 1,007 majority, while his majority in the State was only 699. State was 6,332. The Democratic “model” which inspired Thus Tilden and the Democracy of 1844 Tilden's infamous circular of 1868. Democratic secret It was in this canvass in Pennsylvania that the model of Tilden's infamous confidential circular of 1868, by which he arranged the machinery for the fraudulent count of New York for Seymour and Hoffman, appeared as a secret circular, dated “Harrisburg, January, 1844," and signed by Edward A. Penniman and seventeen Democratic members of the Pennsylvania Legislature as an executive committee. It was distributed only among the faithful, with the injunction that its contents should be made known only to such of our (Democratic) friends as will keep their own council and assist in organizing the party;" and urged that "it is very desirable that it should not appear in any newspaper or be communicated to our political opponents." It particularly enjoined the faithful "to secure a large turn out at the election of judges and inspectors (of the polls). This done, we shall have the vantage ground, and an easy victory will be ours." So it proved. By securing the judges and inspectors of the polls, the count of any number by the Democracy was a very easy matter. 66 counted" Polk “ in.” Thus in 1844, throughout the country, fraud by Tilden and the Democracy was reduced to a system. Through its results James K. Polk, the weak but ambitious tool of the pro-slavery oligarchy, was "counted in," and the gallant and patriotic Clay, the illustrious commoner," great whose services to the nation in war and peace constitute the brightest pages in its civil history, was robbed of the Presidency-was robbed by Tilder and the Demo cracy. 66 The Pennsylvania Democratic frauds by which, in 1857, intrepid Fremont was robbed of his rights and weak Buchanan" counted in." Later in 1857, by similar frauds in Pennsylvania, by the same parties, accomplished through like agencies, John C. Fremont was cheated of the same high office, and James Buchanan, another weak and equally pliant tool of the oligarchal conspirators of 1844, was fraudulently placed in the chair of Washington, manifestly under pledges to complete the traitorous work for the destruction of the Republic begun by Polk. The Democratic frauds that in 1844 gave | Tilden's wholesale frauds in 1876 at the Georgia to Polk. In Georgia, in 1844, and it may be so now, by the tax-list, the exact number of legal voters in the State could be readily ascertained. By that list there were in the State 78,611 votes. At the Presidential election 86,277 votes were cast. Even supposing, therefore, that every legal voter in the State attended at the polls-the decrepid, aged, sick, and dying-there was still a fraud of 7,666 votes. By whom were these polled? North-His Mississippi shot-gun policy at the South. The campaign of 1876 modeled upon that of 1844. By similar agencies or arts, by wholesale and systematic frauds in the North, he succeeded in carrying New York, New Jersey, Connecticut, and Indiana; and in the South, by the murderous Mississippi shot-gun policy, effected the manufacture of the fictitious figures which constitute his pretended popular ma jority. What miseries the success of the Democratic frauds of 1844 and 1857 entailed upon the Nation. “Popular votes" not necessary to the election of a President-It is the electoral vote that tells-Some Presidential examples. Thus Under our electoral system the popular maDelaware and Nevada, which together cast only jority is a secondary consideration. 43,824 votes, all told, for President in 1876, had six electoral votes, as many as California, which cast 154,459 votes. In 1844 and 1857 the oligarchal conspirators succeeded in disfranchising the nation. In 1876 they failed only by a count of one. In 1844 their fraudulent success entailed upon the nation the crimes of Polk's disastrous reign-the unholy" Mexican war for the aggrandizement of slavery, exacting of the nation a sacrifice of thousands of lives and In 1840, in a total vote of 2,410,782, Harhundreds of millions of treasure; his ini-rison had a popular majority of only 139,250, quitous free-trade tariff; his hostility to in- but carried 234 electoral votes to Van Buren's ternal improvements, and kindred measures, 60. all in the interest of the pro-slavery oligarch; the fatal reopening of the slavery question, precipitated by the struggle of the sections for the possession of the territory seized from Mexico, and which, in 1861, under the manipulation of Buchanan and the Democracy, culminated in the appalling crimes of the rebellion. The success of the Democratic frauds of 1876 would have brought upon the Republic humiliation and ruin. In 1876 their success was intended to be as disastrous as those of 1844 and 1857. The Confederacy had failed in its attempt to destroy the Republic. Its prestige and pride were humbled, and in the murderous struggle provoked by its crimes its losses had been imTilden's success was intended to redress all that. A restoration of the Confederate to power and place in the Government was to be followed by the humiliation of loyalty the mense. abasement of the nation at the feet of the In 1844, Polk had 24,119 popular majority against him, yet he counted 170 electoral votes to Clay's 105. In 1848, General Harrison had 151,808 popular majority against him, but received 163 electoral votes to 127 for Mr. Cass. These examples might be multiplied, and serve to show that a popular majority is not necessary to the election of a President. The facts in the Presidential election of 1876-What vote on the surface. But while this is true, the facts in the election of 1876 show that the case of Mr. Hayes was not exceptional, like the examples cited; that he was, in fact, the first choice of a majority of the voters of the country. The aggregate vote for President was 8,399,297, divided as follows: Hayes, 4,033,295; Tilden, 4,284,265, and Cooper, 81,737. den's majority on these figures, 157,394. Til Ordinarily this result would be regarded as rebel; and the ruin of the Republic was to be conclusive, and would show the relative effected by the confiscation of its property and strength of the candidates before the people; means in the payment of thousands of millions but the election of 1876 warrants no such conof fraudulent claims as indemnity to the Con-clusion. On the other hand, the facts conclufederate for losses in the rebellion. Hancock's success now would be equally disastrous. PART II. Popular and Electoral Votes of sively prove that these figures, like Mr. Tilden's boasted election and majority, are utterly fictitious and false-that they do not represent the popular will at that time. This will appear by a further analysis of the vote of 1876. Harrison and Van Buren, Polk The popular vote in the free States, bor and Clay, Harrison and CassTilden's pretended “Immense” Popular Majority-Some Voting der States, and slave States, grouped and compared with census of voting population. In the former (or present) free States there Statistics Touching the Gulfand was cast a total of 5,622,210 votes, of which other States-Alabama, Flori- Hayes received 2,939,729 and Tilden 2,682,481; da, Georgia, Louisiana, Missis-majority for Hayes, 257,248. sippi, and South Carolina all fairly Republican States-How Southern States were "counted in" for Tilden. A persistent effort has been made by Mr. Tilden and his friends, ever since his defeat, to impress the country with the idea that he had received an immense majority of the popular vote for President. The facts warrant no such conclusion. Nor does it follow that such a majority would necessarily secure his election, whether it was small or large. In the States of Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, Missouri, Arkansas and Texas the total vote was 1,830,219. For Hayes, 744,747; for Tilden, 1,085,472; Tilden's majority, 340,825, In South Carolina, Georgia, Florida. Alabama, Mississippi and Louisiana the vote was 890,811, of which Hayes received 362,231 and Tilden 528,590; Tilden's majority, 166,359. According to the census of 1870, the latest enumeration available, there were in the Northern States at that time 4,850,151 male citizens over twenty-one years of age. The vote for President in those States, as has al- | Subsequent changes of population favored ready been shown, was 5,622,210. Increase over the enumeration, 772,059. In the second group of States the enumeration was 1,800,539; total vote for President, 1,815,009. Increase over the enumeration, only 14,370. In the last group, or Gulf States, the enumeration was 973,714; total vote for Hayes and Tilden, 890,811. Loss on the enumeration, 82,903. Recapitulation: In the free States, where the election was free, fair, and full, there was a gain of 772,059 voters. In the border slave States, where Republicans are kept in hopeless minorities, and did not cast their full vote, the increase was only 14,370. In the Southern Republican States, where Republican majorities were subverted by armed violence, the loss was 82,903. Assuming that the increase of voters in these States was of equal ratio to the free States, the increase over the enumeration would have been 114,714. Adding the loss of 82,903 to this amount, and we have 197,617 votes, or about one in six, not cast in the six States last named. The real voting strength of the Gulf States -Showing, in 1870, ajtotal colored majority of 57,335. But there is another and still more reliable method of ascertaining the real voting strength and popular will of those States. In 1870 the voters were divided as follows: the Republicans, especially in South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. that time, and they were considerable, were Whatever changes had taken place since favorable to the Republicans. This was notably true of South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. These three States continued under Republican control long after the States adjoining had fallen under Democratic dominion. Democratic rule was accompanied by the abolishment of colored schools and harsh and proscriptive administration. Therethose States to the others, where the rights upon there was an exodus of negroes from and interests of their race were respected, their children educated, and the ruling powers were friendly. The States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, and Texas contributed many thousands of their colored voters on this account to South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana. The last Presidential election affords abundant proof of this statement. Take Republican majority. 1872-Republican.. Democratic.... Republican majority.... 62,301 45,207 17,094 85,071 ... 51,537 33,534 72,290 22,703 49,587 Mississippi. South Carolina. Total. Colored majority.... It has already been shown that the total white vote in 1870 was 57,933, and the colored 515,530 vote 91,978, the total being 149,911, and the colored majority 34,545. 57,335 Demo- 1840. Colored. White. White 1860. 105,612 15,000 20,170 3,000 119,920 20,000 80,126 10,000 97,724 10,000 91,978 5,000 515,530 63,000 89,276 1870.. 107,785 ....... 257,863 .259,084 .274,563 ...291,300 ...289,667 16,211 Thus it will be seen that the white popula62,413 tion of the State has been almost stationary 66,577 for the past half century. It will not be 52,933 argued by the Opposition that it has received marvelous increase under the very odious (!) 395,195 .578,530 Republican Administration since reconstruc..395,195 tion. Whence, then, the 33,035 votes added to the poll-books? If they are not white they .183,335 must be colored, and this is the fact. Then These figures are based on the population we have the actual vote of South Carolina, and enumeration of 1870. confirmed by this test, as follows: Colored.. Colored majority...... Mississippi Republican by 40,000 majority, yet "counted in” by “51,500 majority" for Tilden. 124,033 whether fraudulent or violent, was employed Next take Mississippi. The colored majority in 1870 was 21,157. Alcorn was elected Republican Governor in 1869 by a majority of 38,089. Grant's majority in 1872 was 35,119. It is admitted by all conversant with the political affairs of the State that the present colored majority is fully 40,000. Yet Mr. Tilden carried the State, much as a storming party carries intrenchments, by a majority of 51,468. How was this done? Take the five following counties to illustrate : 2 Rep. Dem. Rep. Dem. Rep. Madison.. 2,508 765 1,284 13 623 1876. 4,503 maintained. The State at first conceded to Hayes One vote needed for Tilden-The whole situation thereupon changes-The Attorney General denies his master, the people—“ And immediately the Cocke crew." Early after the day of voting the returns from the Republican counties were received at Dem. Tallahassee-Escambia, Gadsden, Leon, Jeffer2,073 son, Madison, Alachua, Duval, Nassau, and 1,473 Marion; and their aggregate majority (7,418 2,036 for Hayes) was publicly known. The returns 2 3,672 from Baker and Dade subsequently increased that to 7,463. The State by the Democracy ity. It was not considered probable that the was conceded to Hayes by a handsome majorRepublican majority would or could be overcome in the Democratic counties; nor was it pretended as possible until the vote of the State became necessary to Tilden's election. Instantly, then, the whole situation changed. The State was claimed by the Democracy. A clamor of fraud was raised by them as a blind to the villainy by which the Tildenites, in the Democratic counties, remote from the capital and difficult of access, proposed to destroy Hayes' majority; and, as a part of the conspiracy to that end, the Democratic Attorney General of the State telegraphed North: 17,692 4,708 16,886 5,208 2,114 13,757 Here was an actual loss of 15,578 Republican votes in four counties, and of 6,223 on the aggregate vote of 1872, in counties where the colored vote has been increased by immigration fully 2,500 since that year. The returns from other parts of the State are in keeping with these. It is needless to recount the means that operated to effect this change. Suffice to say that a Government which allows its citizens to be outraged in this manner and suffers itself directly from the outrage does not appear to be worth preserving. The State of Mississippi as rightfully belonged to Hayes and the Republican cause as Massa chusetts or Vermont. Yet it was counted for Mr. Tilden by 51,500 majority, without even allowing the Republicans of the State the poor privilege of protesting against the fraud. Mr. Potter might boast of 300,000, and Mr. Tilden exult over 157,394, majority on the face of the returns; but the facts, as herein shown, establish the utter falsity of the claim. PART III. Florida—Bloody Violence failing, Fraud and Judicial Usurpation resorted to—A Brief History of the entire series of Fraudulent Proceedings by which Tilden strove to Capture that one needed Electoral Vote-Facts, Figures, and Incidents. was "Tallahassee, Fla., November 14, 1876. not think the Radicals can cheat the Democrats out of Now. if the returns were not yet in at the Following is a summary of the entire First warning to the Republicans—The Til"" Florida case " in brief: Bloody violence and ballot-box debauchery. At the election in Florida of Presidential electors, November 7, 1876, every expedient, den Democrats cut the wires, wreck trains and bulldoze the Governor's couriers. This dispatch of the Democratic Attorney General of the State was a warning to the Republicans of the fraudulent plots at work. It |