with this vast organization at the end of the war? Communities benefiting from cantonment patronage and munition plants will form a strong group for the maintenance of an unrelated preparedness program. A liberal party may well include governmental ownership of munitions plants as a plank of its platform. Then, too, disinterested men will point to the efficient physical and social training of military life and advocate its maintenance irrespective of future military liabilities. This attractive argument must be met by a counter system of physical and social education and by a dramatization of the struggles of peace. This psychological and educational program should be added to the party of internationalism. It may be contended that to borrow trouble by looking beyond the constitutional arrangements of a peace conference and to contemplate a party struggle is the faint-hearted plan of a compromiser. This is the objection of the absolutist, however, the man who will have all or nothing. The point of view here maintained does not begrudge any steps in advance that may be taken immediately after the war. So much the better if freedom of trade, international sovereignty and disarmament may be adopted at that time. But what if they are not adopted at once? It is a recognition of evolutionary rather than a cataclysmic conception of change that this paper seeks to emphasize. Nor is such an outlook an essentially pessimistic one for the immediate future. It is not always necessary to remove all the strains from a structure to keep it from collapsing. The last straw that breaks the camel's back may be preceded by an overloaded condition that made the camel feel himself imposed upon. We may reach the point where war is unlikely to occur long before we have removed all the present and past causes of international friction. Democratic control of foreign policy alone, or an international machinery that guarantees delay, and publicity, may give us a permanent peace. But the world will not be ready finally to beat its swords into plow shares until such complex and elusive problems as the jealousies of competing traders, chauvinistic nationalism, and nations trusting in the arts of Mars as a means of development, have all been dealt with. The beginning of the end is already in evidence. In the white heat of battle the will to internationalize is being forged. Whole peoples are sharing their food, their ships, their steel, their wool, and even their precious manhood in an unselfish and cooperating spirit that foreshadows the league of honor. SUGGESTED OUTLINE FOR STUDY OF AN INTERNATIONAL PROGRAM I. The causes of war. A. Competition in trade and capital investment in rich but backward countries. B. Autocratic government and consequent secret and irresponsible diplomacy. C. Large competitive armaments and the consequent development of a war psychology. D. The suppression of subject peoples and unnatural geographical boundaries. E. Lack of machinery for settling international disputes by legal and peaceable means. II.-Conditions necessary for the organization of a league of nations. A. Democratic control of government in all important national states. B. Geographical settlements on the basis of the consent of the governed. III.-The organization of a league of nations. A. Court of arbitration. B. Council of conciliation. D. Enforcement of awards; power to declare war, and national sovereignty. IV.-Practicability of international program. A. The alternative of increasing competitive armament and consequent heavy burden of taxation, or some organization leading to necessity of only small armament. B. The publicity and sanction that a league of nations has received both by statesmen and influential groups and by the soldiers in the trenches. C. The destruction of all national policies of neutrality, especially of the United States, and the practical training in cooperation among the allies. SUGGESTED READING IN CONNECTION WITH STUDY OF AN INTERNATIONAL PROGRAM (The articles of this number of the Commonwealth Review might be included here.) General. 1. Brailsford, H. N. League of Nations. N. Y., Macmillan, 1917. (A comprehensive discussion by an English publicist familiar with American conditions and in favor of the American plan of the League to Enforce Peace.) 2. Bourne, R. et al. Towards an Enduring Peace. 1915. (A collection of various peace proposals and discussions of the causes of wars, etc.) 3. Goldsmith, R. A. League to Enforce Peace. N. Y., Macmillan, 1917. (An excellent and spirited discussion of the plan of a league of nations proposed by the American League to Enforce Peace, of which Mr. Goldsmith is a prominent official. Can be used as a textbook in connection with the outline suggested above.) 4. Hobson, J. A. Towards International Government. N. Y., Macmillan, 1915. (A complete analysis of the problem, very carefully and ably presented. Has the point of view of the English group of publicists who favor a more complete international organization than the American group. The most suggestive book of the group on the matter of secret diplomacy and actual organization of a council and court, etc.) 5. Wilson, W. Why We Are at War. N. Y., Harpers, 1917. (Collection of President Wilson's speeches on international organization.) 6. Wolf, L. S. International Organization. N. Y., Brentano's, 1916. (Able presentation of all sides of the question.) Special. 1. Brailsford, H. N. The War of Steel and Gold. N. Y., Macmillan, 1915. (Treatment of economic causes of war. See suggested outline I-A.) 2. Lippmann, W. The Stakes of Diplomacy. N. Y., Holt, 1915. (Brilliant analysis of the economic causes of war and of secret diplomacy. See outline I-A, B; II-A. Walter Lippmann is one of the editors of the New Republic, now serving as assistant secretary of war.) 3. Angell, N. The Great Illusion. (A lucid presentation of the economic case against war. See outline I-A. Norman Angell (pseud.) is an English publicist who has published many articles on the subject of internationalism.) 4. Toynbee, A. Nationality and the War. N. Y., Dutton, 1915. (An exhausitve study of the geographical and nationality problems of Europe. See suggested outline I-D and II-B.) 5. Rose, J. H. Nationality in Modern History. N. Y., Macmillan, 1917. (Same general subject as Toynbee.) 6. Enforced Peace. Published by the American League to Enforce Peace, 70 Fifth Avenue, New York. (A collection of illuminating articles on the subject of the organization of a league and its operation, originally delivered as addresses at the meeting of the League in Washington, D. C., 1915. Includes articles by Holt, Lowell, Taft, Filene, Wilson, Baker, etc. See outline III-A, B, C, D.) 7. Weyl, W. American World Policies. N. Y., Macmillan, 1917. (An able analysis of America's new relation to the European situation, by an American publicist. See suggested outline IV-C.) For more extended bibliographies, see: Goldsmith, R. League to Enforce Peace. Bourne, R. et al. Towards an Enduring Peace. The Case for Civilization, a manual for debaters, issued by the League to Enforce Peace, 1917. Magazines and pamphlets devoted partially or wholly to the subject: World Court Magazine. League to Enforce Peace weekly bulletin and many pamphlets. The Independent. The Atlantic Monthly. The North American Review. Proposed Plans for International Organization By FRANK ABBOTT MAGRUDER School of Commerce, Oregon Agricultural College Permanent peace is the reward of justice. Justice is maintained by impartial laws, and laws are made and enforced only through an organization—a state. Therefore, so long as there is no international state to create and enforee impartial laws, there will be no guarantee of international justice and no sound basis of international peace. Every social or economic stride creates new relationships between individuals or groups of individuals (states), and if just laws are not enacted to regulate these new relationships, anarchy must prevail. International law has not kept pace with international conflict, and international anarchy is the result. Disputes between nations are settled in two ways-by law or by war. There is as yet no world state with power to enforce international law between states, therefore war seems inevitable. The cause of the present world war is international anarchy-the absence of government in the community of nations. "Why is it that governments themselves organized to preserve public order are themselves the chief offenders against public order? Because public peace and order are institutional products in this world. They do not exist as a mere growth of sentiment and noble purpose. They exist, wherever they exist, as the result of a certain kind of institution, and that institution is government. In every community where peace and order prevails, you have government. The township has peace and order. It has government. The county has peace and order. It has government. The state, as a community, has peace and order. It also has government. And finally, the great interstate community in which we live, the country of Washington, has peace and order, because it, too, has a government to procure it. "But when we come to the international community, where nations meet as individuals meet in the domestic community |