a wealthy rancher, who rallied to his standard the lawless hordes of the pampas, and gave to his partisans the name of Federalists.

In the frightful civil war that ensued, fortune alternately favored one party, and then the other, until, in 1840, Rozas almost completely crushed the armies of the Unitarios, became master of Buenos Aires, and absolute dictator of the socalled Argentine Republic. His despotic rule was marked by the most sanguinary excesses, and, for the next twelve years, he established a reign of terror infinitely more terrible than that of France after the Revolution of 1789.

Sarmiento had already suffered imprisonment, and narrowly escaped being assassinated in cold blood, because he proved to be a veritable thorn in the flesh of the tyrant Rozas, who found in him a spirit that was absolutely fearless. The Dictator of Argentina could no longer brook the presence of that young man of less than thirty, who was publishing severe denunciations against him, and accordingly, he decreed his immediate banishment. Sarmiento and many of his most illustrious compatriots now braved the terrors of the lofty, snowbound, frigid Chilo-Argentine Andes, turned their faces westward, and sought refuge in the progressive, stable and liberty-loving Republic of Chile.

When the dauntless young Argentine exile arrived in Santiago, the capital of Chile, he found himself a friendless stranger in a foreign land, and was forced to begin anew the bitter struggle for existence. It was not long, however, before his remarkable talents and ceaseless energy became recoguized, and won for him the friendship and respect of the most eminent public men and statesmen of Chile. He was offered the position of editor of El Mercurio, the first newspaper published in South America, at a salary of thirty dollars a month. The originality of his contributions to that paper and his vigorous, trenchant style, instantly attracted public attention. With

a frankness that was startling, and even sometimes brutal, he mercilessly attacked existing abuses, and pointed out that Chile could never hope to reach the highest level of civilization until she attended to the matter of compulsory, universal education. He now rendered, during the twelve years that he enjoyed the hospitable protection of Chile, inestimable services to that South American Republic. Through his initiative, primary, high and normal schools were established. In order the better to understand the needs and conditions of the country, he worked, for a time, as a common miner in the recently opened copper mines of Copiapo. Later, when the University of Chile was founded, he accepted, at a salary of $1,200 a year, the appointment as a member of the Faculty of Philosophy and Humanities. While thus nobly serving the free republic whose protecting hospitality he shared, he never, for a moment, forgot the duty he owed to his unfortunate and desolated native country Argentina, on the other, or eastern slope of the Andes. He infused into his fellow Argentine exiles his own undying resistance to oppression, barbarity and ignorance. While the blood-thirsty Rozas, the scourge and Dictator of Argentina, continued indulging in his orgies of massacres, and was scattering to the four corners of the earth the cultured, patriotic Argentines who escaped his blind ferocity, Sarmiento took up the gauntlet thrown down by that Weyler of South America.

Sarmiento now waged his campaign against Rozas with relentless energy, publishing a large number of books and pamphlets which were widely read, not only in Chile and Argentina, but throughout America and Europe. He was thoroughly familiar, from long experience, with his subject, as his early boyhood and youth had been spent in close proximity to the vast Argentine prairies or pampas over which he had frequently beheld wild, savage hordes of Indians and gaucho cowboys ride, like the Vandals of

Atilla, carrying destruction wherever they went, and especially letting loose their fury and unbridled passions in the Argentine cities where they imposed a reign of terror. The most redoubtable of all these gaucho rough-riders was one Facundo, the ready tool of the tyrant Rozas, but whose excesses caused him finally to be assassinated by own his followers.

Sarmiento, who knew this scoundrel's history perfectly, published a book, entitled: Facundo o Civilizacion y Barbarie ("Facundo; or, Civilization versus Barbarism"), which was not only an accurate portrayal of the career and character of the gaucho bandit, but also contained powerful descriptions of the scenery, life and customs of the Argentine Republic of seventy-five years ago.

This epoch-making book created a sensation throughout the civilized world, and was translated into English by the late Mrs. Horace Mann, of Boston, Massachusetts, under the title of Life in the Argentine Republic. Thus was Sarmiento slowly but steadily undermining the sinister power of the Dictator Rozas, in spite of all the tyrannical and repressive measures adopted by the latter to check his implacable adversary's propaganda.

The Government of the Republic of Chile, recognizing more and more the value of Sarmiento's services, commissioned him, in 1845, to make a special study of the educational systems of Europe and America. The illustrious Argentine exile first repaired to Paris, France, where he was received with the highest honors, and later crossed the Atlantic to the United States. He visited Boston, where he gained the friendship and esteem of Horace Mann, the Massachusetts educator and statesman.

Lack of means prevented Sarmiento from staying more than a few months in the United States, but, during that time, he studied closely the American system of universal public instruction and clearly perceived that the only way of rescuing and redeeming Spanish-speaking Amer

ica was through the liberal institutions which had rendered the United States free, prosperous, great and enlightened.

On his return to Chile and South America, he published a voluminous series of reports on the moral, intellectual and material progress of the United States, which began powerfully to affect public opinion in Mexico, Central America and South America. Thanks to their potent influence, a silent and peaceful revolution took place in those hitherto backward countries, where more and more attention was gradually paid to the education of the masses, the building of railways and docks, and the encouragement of agriculture, industry and commerce.

Even in the desolated, war-ravaged Argentine territory, a region more than four times as large as the state of Texas, the black, tempestuous night of oppression, barbarism and ignorance was drawing to its close. The sanguinary tyranny of the Dictator Rozas became too intolerable even for those of his partisans who had most loyally supported him. In 1852, a certain General Urquiza, the governor of an Argentine province, and a man of rather broad views, raised the standard of revolt and secured the coöperation of Brazil and the neighboring Republic of Uruguay. Thousands of volunteers joined the allied army of liberation, which advanced rapidly towards Buenos Aires, the capital of the Argentine Republic. On the 3d of February of that year, at Monte Caseros, within ten miles of the city, the semblance of a battle was fought, the soldiers of Rozas speedily surrendering and throwing down their arms. The cowardly Rozas, disguised, sought refuge in the British consulate, from whence he embarked for Europe and died in a wretched exile. The victorious General Urquiza summoned a constituent congress, thus assuring the future of the wonderful Argentine fatherland along the path of progress and constitutional liberty.

As Argentina was now delivered from

the yoke of Rozas, Sarmiento and the colony of eminent Argentine exiles who, for twelve long years, had been protected in the progressive Republic of Chile, were free to return to their own native country.

The return of Sarmiento, the son of the humble mountain muleteer, whose mighty pen had overthrown one of the worst reigns of terror ever recorded in history, was fraught with significance for the Argentine Republic. High and responsible public offices were at his command. He became editor of El Nacional, one of the principal newspapers of Buenos Aires, and advocated the most sweeping reforms. He pointed out that Argentina required, for her development, a well-devised system of public instruction based on that of the United States, the encouragement of worthy immigration from Europe, the establishment of banks, the construction of railways and docks, and, in a word, the reclaiming of the howling wilderness of the Argentine pampas or prairies which, he declared, ought to be converted into agricultural colonies. He proved that this was practicable by opening up, at Chivilcoy, a large tract of many thousands of acres of land to German, Italian and other European laborers. It was not long before this region, for centuries a waste, blossomed like the rose and became highly productive.

In the political reconstruction of his country, he played a most important part. He served with distinction as a representative and senator in the Argentine Congress, completely reorganized and modernized the public-schools of Buenos Aires, and, in a moment of national danger, when the redoubtable Chacho, the last of the gaucho rough-rider chiefs, threatened to destroy civilized institutions, took the field against him in person, and utterly broke his power, Chacho himself being killed.

In 1864, President Mitre appointed General Sarmiento Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the Ar

gentine Republic to the United States. The distinguished Argentine statesman accepted the post, but first repaired to Chile, where he was accorded a warm welcome. He tarried a considerable time in that Republic and foster home of his, and threw the weight of his tremendous influence in support of the Monroe doctrine, at the very moment when Spain was violating it by seizing the Chincha Islands off the Pacific coast of Peru. It was in large measure owing to him that Chile, Peru and Bolivia unitedly declared war against Spain, the armies and navies of the three allied South American republics proving finally victorious, and thus vindicating the independence of South America from European aggression.

In 1865, General Sarmiento arrived in Washington, and was officially recognized by President Andrew Johnson as the Argentine Minister. Space forbids enumerating the many honors conferred on him by American scientific, educational, historical and literary societies, perhaps the greatest of these being the degree of Doctor of Laws given him by the University of Michigan. He devoted the three years of his residence in the United States to the study of American institutions, public and private schools, universities and technical institutes. Meanwhile, in his own country, the Argentine Republic, a new election for President was approaching, and, instinctively, the great majority of the Argentines looked towards him as their best friend and savior. When the Argentine Electoral College met, 131 out of a total of 210 votes were cast for him, and he was declared the President-elect.

General Sarmiento embarked at New York, in 1868, and, immediately after his arrival in Buenos Aires, assumed the duties of his new office. As President, his administration was strictly constitutional, but, during the six years of his term, he ruled his country with a rod of iron, and relentlessly suppressed all attempts at revolution and anarchy. He imported an army of North American

teachers, extended and improved the entire public-school system, vetoed vicious legislation, founded at Cordoba an astronomical observatory, of which the celebrated American astronomer Apthorp Gould was appointed the director, gave a strong impetus to public libraries and museums, and aided in every way the industrial and commercial prosperity of Argentina. His powerful, uncompromising personality naturally raised up enemies against him, and one of these, an Italian anarchist, at the very close of President Sarmiento's term, shot at him one day, as the latter's carriage was going through the streets of Buenos Aires. Fortunately, the dastardly attempt failed, as the shot went wide of the mark, and the assassin was captured by the police and imprisoned.

In 1874, Sarmiento laid down the reins of office, and witnessed the peaceful inauguration of his freely-elected successor, President Avellaneda. His own public career, however, was by no means over; he served in the Argentine Congress, and continued to take a very active part in perfecting universal education. He had the satisfaction, in 1880, of seeing tardy justice done to the memory of General José de San Martin, the Liberator of Argentina, Chile and Peru from the yoke of Spain under whom his own father, as a muleteer, had crossed the lofty, snowcapped Andes into Chile. It was now, in 1880, that, through Sarmiento's instrumentality, General San Martin's forgotten remains were brought over from

France, and, amid the most imposing ceremonies, deposited in a magnificent sarcophagus in the beautiful cathedral of Buenos Aires.

For some years longer, the illustrious ex-President Sarmiento continued rendering inestimable services to his country, but the veteran's astonishing activity was now sapping even his vigorous constitution. In the summer of 1888, he fell dangerously ill, and his friends hastened to remove him to the mild, tropical climate of Asuncion, Paraguay. Here, he appeared to improve, but he chafed under inactivity, and insisted upon superintending the digging of an artesian well in the grounds of the cottage where he was staying. The effort was too much: he contracted acute pneumonia, and, on the 11th day of September, at the age of over seventy-seven, breathed his last.

His death was universally mourned throughout the vast continent of Latin America. The coffin containing the body of the great South American educator and ex-President was covered with the flags of four Republics, those of Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay, and was conveyed down the broad, majestic Parana and Plata rivers to Buenos Aires, where, in the splendid cemetery of La Recoleta, all that was mortal of the mountain muleteer's son found its last resting place, amid impressive ceremonies such as are usually paid only to emperors and kings.

Malden, Mass.

FREDERIC M. Noa.

S

OCIALISM, as it is tersely defined by one of our speakers, is the public ownership and popular management of the industries. When the American people, animated by socialist sentiment, na

tionalize the industries of the country they will nationalize the production and distribution of liquor along with other industries; thus taking the profit out of the business and destroying at once the

main incentive to its sale. At present it is to the interest of the liquor-dealer to sell as much liquor as possible, to adulterate that liquor as much as possible, and to charge as much as possible for it. While socialism may cheapen the liquor, it is a mistake to suppose that because whiskey can now be made at a cost of about twelve cents per gallon that, therefore, when we adopt socialism it can be sold for twelve cents per gallon; for when we have socialism the men who are engaged in its manufacture will work much shorter hours and receive probably twice as much pay as they do now. This will greatly increase the cost of manufacture. At the same time the man who handles the liquor at retail will also work fewer hours and receive much larger pay; still further increasing its cost. If under socialism the people decide to make liquor for themselves they will have no interest in adulterating it and the liquor that is sold will, therefore, be pure. Much of the trouble that liquor produces now is caused by the abominable adulterations that turn a man into a raving maniac where pure liquor would merely put him to sleep. Socialism, however, would not make the saloon respectable. That is something that cannot be done. If under socialism the people want saloons they will have them; but if they do have them the saloons will be just as much of a disgrace to our civilization as they are now. Socialism will abolish poverty. There will be no more hunger or cold for the worker, no more crowded and unsanitary dwellings, no more overwork and exhaustive nerve strain. The predisposing causes which, under our present social system, are driving men to drink having been disposed of, the consumption of liquor will be considerably reduced.

Socialism will make woman economically independent of her husband. She can, by working only a few hours each day, secure for herself a better living than a sober laboring man under our present system can secure for her. Under socialism if a man wants to keep his wife he

will have to behave himself. Thus a great moral restraint will be brought to bear upon the appetites of drinking men. Socialism will, therefore, produce an effect on both sides of the bar; it will take profit away from behind the bar and it will materially reduce the appetite which stands in front.

But when we have socialism we shall still have many people who will drink, and many who will drink to excess. Intemperance will still be a social problem for public consideration. Liquor will still be an evil. What under socialism shall we do with this evil? There are four things which we can do with it: We can continue the open saloon as we have it now, we can change it for the dispensary in which liquor is sold only in sealed packages, we can stop the retail sale by local option, or we can stop making the stuff except for medicinal, mechanical and scientific purposes, which would be national prohibition.

Suppose when we have socialism we undertake to decide for or against the saloon by referendum vote under a local option arrangement, how will socialism affect the alignment of the forces in the field? First, it will give us the votes of a multitude of good women whose personal safety and convenience, as well as their moral sense, is opposed to the sale of liquor (for under socialism women will have the franchise the same as men). Second, it will give us the votes of a large number of sober men who have no use for the saloon themselves, but who, at present, defend it because of their financial interests. Let us see how this is.

At present the product of the laborer is divided into two parts; one part is the laborer's wages, the other is the employer's profit. Out of his profit the business man is supposed to pay the taxes of the community. Anything, therefore, that will reduce taxation is to the financial interests of the business man. The revenue from saloon licenses pays a large part of the municipal expenses, thereby reducing taxation. It is true that the