est into the flooding sunlight. I followed, and saw that the light seemed to dazzle it. Instantly it held its little withered hands across its eyes to shield them. Then it leaned against a tree. At this moment a voice said: "I am weary, and lonely, and broken-hearted! Will no one hear my cry?"

The tiny dwarf opened its eyes again on hearing these sounds, and when it saw that some one was near, it uttered a short shrill cry and was about to flee again into the shadow. It stopped, though, when it heard the voice a second time: "Oh, do not leave me!"

It was a young and beautiful woman who had spoken, and she spoke farther. "I have everything that money can bring except love and human sympathy, the most priceless things on earth, which all my wealth has not availed to buy. For these I have hungered all my young life. For these I have sought so long that now I have fallen by the wayside, too tired, too faint to go farther."

The fairy seemed frightened for a moment to hear itself thus addressed and thought to run away again. Then it appeared to remember something and, hurrying over, knelt beside the prostrate girl tenderly saying: "Journey no farther, my tired friend, for I will give you gladly

and freely what you are seeking. In overflowing measure I will give to you.” Almost instantly the cloak around the sprite began to change its ugly color for a delicate light blue, and the white thread became a shining silvery band. The little creature, too, appeared to change, for it had grown in size, and its small pinched face became large and beautiful. The midget rose from its kneeling posture, and as it did so, its hands released their clutch upon the cloak, which fell a heap of rags beside the path.

Pointing at them, at last it spoke to me and said: "That was the cloak of selfishness. I have worn it all my life, and I grew smaller and colder in it every day. Sometimes I thought that I should freeze to death, especially when I wrapped it more closely around me. The few white threads that you saw were filaments of humility and altruism. I shall never need the old cloak again, for now I have wrapped about me the love and warmth of the great throbbing world."

With this the elf apparition vanished and in its stead I saw-Impossible! Where am I?-Ah!-In the miraculous forest where one sees truly!—I saw,only myself!

Peoria, Ill.

FREDERICKA C. ZELLER.

The Popular Revolt Against Corporation and Boss-Rule.

ON

N EVERY side we see signs and evidences multiplying which point most clearly and unmistakably to a return on the part of the people to the old ideals and fundemental principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence and cherished by the fathers of this government, but which recreant politicians and privileged interests have in recent years striven so persistently to discredit as a practical political creed. The moral side of American life is awakened and with this awakening is coming a realization of the peril into which our nation had fallen by surrendering to privileged interests, high finance and venal tools of commercial organizations. The people are at last coming to see that corporations, monopolies and privileged classes are the fountain-head of political corruption and treason and of graft and dishonesty in both public and private relations. They have at last been forced to realize that the injustice suffered by the masses from trust extortion, no less than the riot of dishonesty of recent years, cannot be permanently overthrown so long as political machines are subservient to privileged interests, and that nothing short of a fundamental and radical programme will meet the imperative demands of the hour, a programme that shall embrace (1) high civic standards or a return to the moral idealism of the Declaration of Independence in regard to foreign and domestic political relations; (2) the getting of the government back into the hands of the people, which can be promptly and effectively attained through Direct-Legislation or the Initiative and Referendum complemented by the right of recall; (3) the taking over of public utilities or natural monopolies by the people, thus breaking the backbone of the corrupt alliance of the criminal rich with the conscienceless political boss and money-controlled machine; (4) the imposing of prison sentences only on all great offenders who break the laws enacted to protect the people from extortion and oppression by corporations; (5) radical reform in fiscal

matters which shall render it a criminal offence for great wealth or corporations to shift the burden of taxation onto the mass of the people; and (6) the relegation to the obscurity of private life by the aroused voters of the hirelings and protégés of plutocracy, now in high official stations, who have betrayed the people in the interests of their real masters. The Nation-Wide Enthusiasm for Bryan and La Follette Symptomatic of

The Great Popular Awakening. While, as we have showed in an earlier issue, the sudden profession of love and admiration for Mr. Bryan on the part of those who for years have been his bitterest foes and who represent all that is worst in American political life and all that Mr. Bryan has relentlessly fought for more than a decade, was without doubt mainly a ruse to check the rising tide of radical sentiment that was setting in toward Mr. Hearst, and was started by these patriots for personal revenue for the purpose of dividing the radical forces, the spontaneous and general enthusiasm north and south, east and west, that instantly greeted the call for Mr. Bryan indicated the genuine sentiment of the rank and file of the American people; and so pronounced and unanimous has been this demand that it must have dazed the great Nebraskan's insincere friends.

The general enthusiasm for Mr. Bryan not only proves that the people are absolutely convinced that he is incorruptible, aggressive, fearless and radical, but it also shows how strong and general is the radical sentiment of the nation and how determined are the people to put a stop to the riot of class-legislation that has marked recent years, since privileged interests gained control of the government.

In like manner in the Republican party the name of Robert M. La Follette awakens the same intense popular enthusiasm. No other man in the party begins to call forth the same degree of the old-time moral enthusiasm, because Mr. La Follette in a larger way than any other Republican statesman represents the ideals of Lincoln and that unswerving

loyalty to the interests of the people and the principles of free government that has been the chief power and glory of the Republic in other days.

The Union of The Forces of Civic Righteousness in Pennsylvania.

In Pennsylvania one of the most momentous battles of recent years is now in progress. Here the old Quay machine, manned by Penrose, Durham and other unsavory characters, and sustained by the Pennsylvania Railroad, the Standard Oil interests and all the other corrupt corporations that have been so largely responsible for the unparalleled political prostitution and debauchery that have marked the history of Pennsylvania during the past fifty years, is battling against a united ticket representing the self-respecting and decent elements of the Republican party and the Democratic organization.

It is a subject of deep regret that the influence of President Roosevelt's administration has not been cast on the side of honesty and pure government in this great battle of the people against entrenched corruption and privilege.

John B. Moran and Progressive Democracy in Massachusetts.

In Massachusetts since the Lodge machine has been all-powerful the corporations have had a summer season in the state, while the reactionary Democratic machine of Boston

has proved equally complacent to privileged interests. The press of both parties was also strangely responsive to corporation influence until Mr. Hearst started the Boston American. Then the citizens of the old Bay State had one journal that fearlessly fought corporation control in state and municipal affairs. The American has revolutionized public sentiment in a very large degree in Massachusetts. It has consistently fought for public-ownership; it has unmasked corruption, graft and iniquity which had for years masqueraded under the robes of ultra-respectability; and it has made possible an effective revolt on the part of the people against corruption, oppression and the continued betrayal of popular interests by a shamefully recreant legislature.

The first fruit of the great awakening which has followed in the wake of the aggressive campaign of the American was seen in the unexpected election last autumn of John B. Moran as district-attorney of Boston. The old parties were thunderstruck at the magnificent victory of a man whom the criminal rich could not control; and Mr. Moran has in no wise disappointed the people or proved false to his pledges. Unlike the recreant Jerome of New York, who has screened the rich law-breakers and afforded a clear example of how extremely important it is for the criminal rich to have a man after their own heart as district-attorney, Mr. Moran has without fear or favor aggressively striven to carry out to the letter the requirements of his oath of office. The faithful and aggressive service of Mr. Moran has won to him thousands of the more thoughtful and earnest lovers of clean government who belong to other parties. The Prohibitionists have made him their candidate for governor, and the corporation-owned and controlled wing of the Democratic party is at the present writing in a panic lest it will be unable to prevent the party from naming him as the regular nominee for governor. It is recognized on all sides that he is the only man in the party that would stand any chance of being elected; yet the representatives of the corporations, the grafters and the corruptionists of the regular Democratic machine are actively opposing him. Men like Congressman Sullivan, who voted in Congress for his mileage to and from Massachusetts for the "constructive recess," though he did not leave his seat in Congress during that recess, ex-Congressman Thayer, Mayor Fitzgerald of Boston, and others of

the "safe, and sane," reactionary and corporation element are testifying to their fear of an aggressively honest and incorruptible candidate by their outspoken opposition to him.

On July 15th Mr. Moran issued a manifesto stating that he would run for governor and outlining the platform on which he would run. This manifesto so admirably sets forth many of the conditions and demands of the hour as found not only in Massachusetts, but in the nation as well, that we give it in full.

Moran's Declaration of Principles.

"The honesty and morality of our republic and State rest with the hard-working, lawabiding masses of the people.

"To restore our government to the control of such people is the present function of the Democratic party.

"Recent revelations of the methods of high finance have uncovered the pretences of the powerful hypocrites who have been posing as custodians of the national honor.

"It is our duty to wrest government from the grasp of those jugglers with industry and money who have, out of the toils of labor, drained mighty fortunes through the vile channels of their monopoly, privilege, discrimination, frauds, thefts, poisonings and violence.

"The Democratic party must cut loose from every alliance with the plunderers of the people and bring them to account for wrongs already done.

"Our legal machinery works mercilessly upon the poor and weak, but fails to operate upon open and defiant violations of the law by the rich and powerful.

"To bring back our government to equal justice for all men we must teach wealth to obey the laws or suffer drastic penalties for crime.

"Our candidates, our organization, our platforms, must bend to these purposes without compromise, evasion or pretence.

"Our candidates must be selected, not to gratify personal ambition or provide campaign funds, but solely to restore justice to the people. "It will no longer suffice to make laws; men with grim purpose and undaunted will must be elected to enforce them.

"To these ends we require:

"A governor, fearless and faithful, resolute and determined, free from alliance with corporations and trusts, uncontrolled by politicians, a servant of the people, recognizing

Carter, in New York American. (Reproduced by special permission of W. R. Hearst.)

THIS QUESTON THE NATION MUST SETTLE-RAILROADS AND TRUSTS WILL GOVERN THIS COUN

TRY UNLESS THE COUNTRY GOVERNS THEM.

his official obligations and evading none of them, neither skulking behind an unauthorized shield of judges, nor cringing in cowardice at the responsibilities of his office, a man who knows the law and dares to enforce it.

"Direct popular control of the law-making power through the right to veto and create legislation at the polls and to recall faithless legislators.

"The public ownership and operation of public utilities in nation, state and city.

"Eight hours for labor; protection of women and children against overtime work; the absolute, indefeasible right to trial of facts by a jury in equity cases involving labor injunctions.

"Taxation which shall obtain full contributions from wealth and success and bear lightly upon labor and the poor.

"Drastic law against private monopoly with imprisonment penalties only.

"Free hides, free coal, free lumber and free iron.

"Legislation to save Massachusetts manufacturers from their present handicap by unjust tariff on the raw material of their product.

"Fostering international commerce by generous and friendly concessions in the adjust

ment of our tariff to all nations opening to us their markets for our products.

"Tearing down the tariff walls which intrench monopoly and sustain enormous fortunes exacted from honest labor and flaunted in the face of the toilers by their gross and vicious possessors.

"Stringent laws as to raising of the price of necessities with imprisonment penalties only. "Laws more just and liberal to the people, providing for the taking of public utility plants. "The prevention of child-murder by more effective abortion laws.

"Laws providing imprisonment penalties only for wilful negligence by public officials in the performance of their duties.

"Repeal of the legislative agent act and enactment of laws making lobbying a crime with imprisonment penalties only.

"Laws providing for liberation of persons awaiting trial charged with misdemeanors, and of all minors under seventeen years awaiting trial for any crime, in the discretion of the district-attorney, without bail, that the poor and friendless may not suffer unjust and oppressive imprisonment.

"Laws providing that all offenders on whom fines are imposed may in all courts have liberty without bail for a reasonable time in which to earn the fines.

"No corporation or trust tools for the judiciary; that it may be free from the suspicion of being a place of reward for faithlessness to the people.

Abolishment of capital punishment, that we may no longer be barbarians.

"More restrictive divorce laws that legalized immorality may be lessened.

"Defence of all divorce cases to be conducted by district-attorneys, that collusion extensively practiced now may cease.

"Repeal of legislative immunity act, that criminals may no longer bribe and be bribed with legal impunity.

"That nomination of all candidates for elective office be by direct vote, that the will of the voter may not be thwarted by the purchase and sale of delegates.

"Laws providing that the district-attorneys shall appear for all persons whose liberty is endangered by insanity proceedings, that no person may be confined unjustly.

"Liberal treatment of veterans of the Civil war within the limits of judicially declared law.

ole-headed commissions, the appointee

to be removable at will of the governor, that corporate subserviency by officials may cease. "Shorter terms of service for grand jurors, that criminals may not control their action. "Laws defining what conduct of grand jurors shall be criminal and providing penalties therefor.

"Prohibition, with imprisonment penalties only, of political contributions, directly or indirectly, by corporations.

"Stringent laws against bucket-shops. "Laws as to employers' liability for accidents more protective of employés.

"Laws providing that judges in setting aside verdicts shall in writing assign the reasons therefor, reviewable by the Supreme Court.

"No interference with legislators except by written message.

"More stringent laws as to receipt, expenditure and accounting of money by campaign committees.

"To the support of this platform, advocated by men who mean to enforce it, will come that irresistible public sentiment which sustained and supported those great leaders of men, Bryan, Hearst and Folk, who in the foreground of political contests battled for Democratic principles."

The Labor Giant Enters The Political Arena.

IN COMMENTING on the successful victory won by the Labor party in England at the last election, we ventured the hope that the inspiring example set by the social reformers of the mother country would be followed by our labor organizations, which had up to that time persistently acted on the advice of the money-controlled political machine managers in the old parties, with the result that labor had ceased to be feared and the rights of the people, both the producing and consuming millions, were more and more becoming subordinated to the selfish interests of the real rulers of the country-the criminal rich, the trust magnates and the public-service chieftains who controlled the party-bosses and machines and who had already manned the government largely with a picked crew known to be loyal to protected interests and therefore to be counted upon in all battles between the people and the trusts and corporations.

Fortunately for the Republic, the victory in England did not awaken our plutocracy