SPEECH OF A BRAVE OLD PATRIOT—HIS TER- heart, that cries out for the lives of our brave

I have voted against their measures. I will do so to the end. I will denounce them as long as God gives me breath. And I am ready to meet the traitors themselves here or anywhere, and fight them to the death. [Prolonged cheers and shouts.]

er rapped upon the desk in unison with the applause, apparently to stop it, but really to add to its volume, for I could see by his flushed cheek and flashing eye that his heart was with the brave and loyal old gentleman.] "Mr. Speaker, I have said my say. I am no speaker. This is the only speech I have made. And I do not know that it deserves to be called a speech. I could not sit still any longer, and see these scoundrels and traitors work out their selfish schemes to destroy the Union. They have my sentiments. Let them one and all make the most of them. I

I said I paid $3,000 a year taxes. I do not say it to brag of it. It is my duty; yes, Mr. Speaker, my privilege to do it. But some of the traitors here, who are working night and day to get their miserable little bills and claims through the Legislature, to take money out of the pockets of the people, are talking about high taxes. They are hyp-am ready to back up all I say, and, I repeat ocrites, as well as traitors. I heard some of them talking about high taxes in this way who do not pay $5 to support the Government. I denounce them as hypocrites as well as traitors. [Cheers.]

"The reason that they pretend to be afraid of high taxes is that they do not want to vote money for the relief of the soldiers. They want also to embarrass the Government and stop the war. They want to aid the Secessionists to conquer our boys in the field. They care about taxes? They are picayune men, anyhow. They pay no taxes at all, and never did, and never hope to, unless they can manage to plunder the Government. [Cheers.] This is an excuse of traitors.

[Here the Speaker called for order in the galleries.]

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"Mr. Speaker, excuse me. I feel for my country in this her hour of danger; I feel for her from the tips of my toes to the ends of my hair. This is the reason that I speak as I do. I cannot help it. I am bound to tell these men to their teeth what they are, and what the people, the true, loyal people, think of them. Tremendous cheering. The Speak

it, to meet these traitors in any manner they may choose, from a pin's point to the mouth of a cannon. [Tumultuous applause, during which the old gentleman sat down after he had given the desk a parting whack, which sounded loud above the din of cheers and clapping of hands.]'

"I never witnessed so much excitement in my life in an assembly. Mr. Funk spoke with a force of natural eloquence, with a conviction and truthfulness, with a fervor and passion that wrought up the galleries and even members on the floor, to the highest pitch of excitement. His voice was heard in the stores that surround the square, and the people came flocking in from all quarters. În five minutes he had an audience that packed the hall to its utmost capacity. After he had concluded, the Republican members and spectators rushed up and took him by the hand to congratulate him. The Democrats said nothing, but evidently felt the castigation they were receiving most keenly, as might be seen from their blanched cheeks and restless and uneasy glances.”

:

F. called the Samaritan Pentateuch existed among Is there any ground for supposing that what is the Ten Tribes before the Captivity? -Notes and Queries.

MELETES.

SAMARITAN PENTATEUCH AND CHRONICON.-In | into any modern language, or into Latin? If so, a treatise entitled, A Discourse of Free Think- where is the translation to be met with? ing, London, 1713, without any name of author, [who was he?*] or publisher, it is said (p. 53) "The Rabbis among the Samaritans, who now live at Sichem, in Palestine, receive the five books of Moses (the copy whereof is very different from ours) as their scripture; together with a Chronicon, or history of themselves from Moses's time, THE INTELLECTUAL CAPACITY OF TWINS.-In quite different from that contained in the histor-the October number of the Edinburgh Medical ical books of the Old Testament. This Chronicon† is lodged in the Public Library of Leyden, and has never been published in print.'

Journal, Dr. Simpson is reported to have made the following statement: "He (Dr. S.) was not aware of a single instance where a twin had disIs this still at Leyden? Has it been since pub-perience has not led me to believe that the inteltinguished himself intellectually." My own exlished? Have this Pentateuch and this Chroni-ligence of twins is below the average; but percon, or either of them, been translated (faithfully) haps some of your correspondents may be able [* Anthony Collins, an English controversialist to supply me with a categorical contradiction of the learned professor's observation? M. D. -Notes and Queries.

and metaphysical writer.-ED.]

+ Relandi Disser., vol. ii. p. 16.

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From The Economist, 14 Feb. government could endure, almost the exact THE TONE OF THE FRENCH MINISTRY. phrase used to convey the refusal of the King We know of few political incidents more of Prussia to listen to his Chamber's address. striking or more dangerous to the general He asserted that the Legislative Corps had a welfare of Europe than the tone adopted by real control over the acts of the government; the French Ministry during the recent de- claimed for the executive the right of changbates. Only a fortnight since the emperor, ing any electoral district every five years, i.e., in a speech distinguished by more than his just before each election; admitted that M. usual frankness, expressed his appreciation of De Persigny had done so in twenty-nine deEnglish liberty, his hope that France would partments; and, rising apparently with the accept the bases on which a similar unre- debate, declared that the government would stricted freedom might with safety be con- always appoint and support official candidates ceded. The thinking classes of France, who for the Chamber, that it would be a crime to can never quite lose the thought that the surrender that essential power. Was govstrange being who crushes them has purposes ernment in presence of combined factions, to greater than his policy, exhibited strong emo- fold its arms and leave everybody to work tion, not altogether so unreasonable as some (agir) except itself?" When it is rememcynics among us suppose. It is much when bered that there are 500,000 employés in an autocrat acknowledges in words the ad- France, at least as many more hoping to be vantage of liberty, for it proves that he com- employés, and 400,000 soldiers, out of 8,000,prehends and does not detest, its principles. 000 electors, that almost every man is subject The hopeless despot is the Elector of Hesse, to a centralized official pressure, that all meettoo stupid to understand that freedom means ings are forbidden and all printers' licenses anything beyond a certain annoyance to him- liable to administrative seizure, the cynical self, or the priestly sovereign who believes audacity of this assertion may be partially that liberty, whether beneficial or not, is in comprehended. It amounted to an admission itself immoral. The Parisian Press quite ex- that the Imperial Government did and would ulted in the repetition of the emperor's sen-nominate their own Chamber of Deputies, timents, and rolled the sentences under its and a subsequent sentence showed that they tongue as if it enjoyed a rich flavor hitherto intended to exclude all who ventured "to half forgotten. The Chambers, however, met, and in the very first days of debate all the hopes excited by the Chief of the State himself were roughly and forever dispelled. Never since 1848 have the emperor's agents exhibited their master's autocracy in so naked a form, thrown so feeble a veil over the system which is so loathed by all that France holds of renowned, or intelligent, or free. The tone of the ministerial speakers,-men be it remembered without portfolios, and, there- There was even worse than this to come. fore, without the wearing harass of daily M. Ollivier had ventured to point to the Engwork, was one which can be described only lish right of assemblage, and M. Baroche reas political insolence. They not only defied torted that no such right "should be imthe Opposition, which was their duty and ported through the custom-houses of France." their best policy, but they sneered at free- Twenty or thirty thousand persons meeting dom, snubbed the principles of the new revo- in France would not end their assemblage by lution, retracted their master's tacit promises, a bout of fisticuffs as in England, but "with and even, whether at his bidding or not, made something much more serious." "That is a his foreign policy appear violently reaction- kind of liberty we will not have." Nor ary. M. Baroche, in words which seemed all would the government have any other. "Unthe more offensive because he was once a provided with English weapons of resistance, fanatic Republican, declared that the lan- was the French Government to expose itself guage of M. Ollivier's amendment,-cutting (exposions) to absolute liberty? It would be but quite parliamentary,—was such as no an enormous danger, a danger to which nei

join in the debate, directly or indirectly," upon the right of official candidateships. And all these statements were published in the Moniteur in full, to men who a fortnight before had been assured that their emperor, whose servant thus menaced them, understood and delighted in "unrestricted freedom." Praising liberty, the emperor suffers the only form he admits, i.e., the partial right of free debate, to be poisoned at the root.

ther government nor Chamber would consent | ment at all on the debates, and reminded pub

to expose the country." Let it be remembered that these sentences are addressed to a people who deem themselves the first of civilized nations, who began the new career of the world in 1789, who even now are aware that every movement in France shakes Europe, and one may imagine the bitter wrath they have awakened in French society. They would drive Englishmen, always patient of words, into acts not exactly deserving the praise bestowed in the queen's speech on English security and order. They indicate a spirit perfectly new even under the empire, -a disposition not only to refuse freedom, but to contemn it, a wish not only to repress liberalism, but to repress it as something evil, a willingness not only to rule France, but to rule it as a great body at permanent war with its rulers. The attitude is not that of a despotism like, for instance, the Russian, but of that despotism ruling in Poland, and telling the Polish gentry, as the Czar recently did, “mind, gentlemen, no illusions.”

licly in the Moniteur that the laws of public security, those terrible engines of despotism, were still in force. All litterateurs shrank back aghast, and for ten days a perfect reign of terror was established among the class, who began to believe that the government had finally made up its mind to reduce them to passive obedience. The excitement was excessive, so great that the emperor himself seems to have interfered, and on Tuesday the pressure was relaxed-except as to the Jecker bonds. The incident, however, lasted sufficiently long to convince France that if the emperor aspired to liberty, it was only as men aspire in day-dreams to things they know they shall never obtain.

We have said that this change of tone threatens the welfare of Europe, for the first condition of prosperity for the Continent is that France shall be quiet. We have never been among those who think it advisable to insult the Emperor of the French, or who believe that every petty disturbance among the The words were followed by acts which salons threatens the continuance of his power. proved that M. Baroche had not in the heat But still less have we been of those who believo of debate exceeded his instructions. While that he can ever become a simple autocrat, discussing the amendment about Mexico, M. can rely on mere force, reign by repression Jules Favre, the unconquerable leader of the alone, or govern France as Russia was govFrench Opposition of five, ventured to call erned under the last bad reign. France is too attention to the facts of the Jecker bonds, the civilized and too rich, her interests too multiclaims against Mexico held by a house of nat- form and complex, her internal relations too uralized Frenchmen. It is too long a story to delicately organized for that vulgar scheme of recapitulate, but it is certain that these bonds control. As well govern London by a coerfor four millions sterling, condemned by our cion bill intended for Tipperary. The codiGovernment and that of Spain as absurd, have tion of the emperor's power is that he shall passed into the hands of great personages keep himself on the whole en rapport with the about the French Court, and M. Favre boldly public will, with the silent but all-powerful asserted that the war had been undertaken to wish of the mass of the French population; realize their value. The insinuation is rash, and in suffering his ministers to adopt this it being much more probable that the buyers tone, to proscribe liberty instead of suspendhad previously heard the secret resolve of the ing it, to insult the Liberals instead of conemperor to send out an expedition, but it is trolling them, and to attack his own raison believed in Paris, and required an open reply. d'être by declaring that universal suffrage M. Billauit gave none, merely affirming that needs official manipulation, he is getting out the claims were perfectly genuine, and had of rapport. If the alienation continues, the nothing to do with the war; but the very feverish restlessness of France, puzzled alsame day peremptory orders were sent to the ready by the priests and annoyed by the press not to discuss the point. So timid in- Mexican expedition, will perturb all the deed was the government that the press was courts, and therefore all the exchanges, of virtually suspended, being forbidden by a vio- Europe. lent stretch of the law to publish any com

From The Spectator, 14 Feb.

THE LAST IMPERIAL PLAN.

Great Britain. Neither Jecker nor the archduke had anything to do with the matter. M. Billault did not venture to deny the vast extent of the enterprise, to speak of the speedy solution, or to fix the time when, her mission accomplished, France might retire with honor; indeed, he formally refused to answer those questions, and instead affirmed, in language of which those who understand France will clearly perceive the meaning, “Our maritime commerce, sure of protection, will multiply its undertakings, and our emigrants will carry with confidence to America their force and their activity. Let it not be said that I have escaped reality to pass into a world of dreams. Is it not a brave and a far-sighted enterprise to open to a part of our native population one of the important countries of the globe? In the New World territory lacks population

thousand men a year. He even dared to allude to the old Mexican scandal, the Jecker Ir is difficult to exaggerate, not easy even bonds, and hint that those bonds had been to estimate, the importance of the Mexican transferred to hands powerful enough to create expedition. "It is," said the emperor a few a war in order that they might be realized. days since," the great event of my reign," | M. Billault, “ Minister with a voice," was at and if that event be great which involves the a loss to reply, and took refuge in vague gendestinies of a continent and the fate of a dy-eralities. The flag of France should be renasty, the emperor was right. The success spected throughout the world like the flag of of his plan will undoubtedly remodel all relations among the States of the American Continent, its failure will as undoubtedly give a dangerous shock to his throne. The rumors published in America of the defeat of the French, of a repulse from before Puebla, a retreat from Jalapa, a heavy loss arising from confusion when attacked in a fog, may be rumors merely. They are more probably exaggerations of isolated and not very important events, such as lend the interest of variety to every successful campaign. The French army, unless cowed by disease-and an epidemic cows Frenchmen more than any European people-must be more than a match in the field for any Mexican force, and even a great disaster could always be retrieved. A martial nation of thirty-five millions, armed to the teeth, and governed by a cool, farsighted brain, cannot be beaten in the field when once it has obtained a foothold, by one of six millions. We have no wish, therefore, to rely upon stories of petty disaster; but enough is passing at home to prove the magnitude of an attempt whose reflex action alone can disturb the whole course of political life. The Senate wisely abstained from discussing the expedition, for even that knot of pensioners could find nothing to say in its praise; but in the Corps Législatif there exists an opposition. M. Jules Favre attacked the transaction as freely as if he had stood in a British House of Commons, and exposed its colossal vastness in terms which sent a shudder through the assembly. The army, he said, had sixty-nine leagues to march only to arrive at Mexico, but nine hundred to catch Juarez. Mexico was a continent crowded with cities and provinces and means of a prolonged resistance. It had cost the United States, with their conterminous frontier, £20,000,000 and two years of campaigning only to force a peace, and France had to perform a greater task two thousand miles from her shores. He believed the occupation must be made permanent, and the army renewed by thirty

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... and we have already one hundred thousand Frenchmen dispersed among the Spanish American States." Ships, colonies, and commerce," said the first Napoleon, and M. Billault humbly repeats the aspiration. M. Favre was left, of course, in a minority of five; but it soon appeared that the Government was seriously alarmed. The words of the orator had touched a nerve which is sore through all the limbs of France. The people detest an expedition of the true objects of which their ruler, with his usual love of coups de théâtre, has not attempted to make them informed. The bourgeoisie are annoyed at its cost, Liberals at its unscrupulousness, all politicians at the quiescence which it temporarily enforces on France, in matters, such as the Polish movement, of very much nearer concern. But, above all, the army dislikes the expedition; it is "a campaign with priests for friends and the black vomit for foe." There is no glory to be acquired, and no plunder, only a certainty, after months of exposure and fatigue, of filling an early grave. The excessive restrictions placed on despatches, on papers, and even on letters, create of themselves an impression of gloom, and the army