From The Spectator.

After all definitions there is still an inEPIGRAMS, ANCIENT AND MODERN.* stinct required to tell an epigram from a MR. BOOTH has adopted a somewhat nar-mere comic rhyme, but Mr. Booth scarcely row and technical idea of the epigram. "In adheres to his own idea over two pages of our own day and our own language," he says, his collection. This, for example, is a re"an epigram is understood to mean a poem tort related in rhyme, but in no conceivadistinguished for its point, elegance, and ble sense an epigram:

or

66

letters,

ters;

Howe'er, from this time I shall ne'er see your

graces,

As I hope to be saved, without thinking on asses.”

-Goldsmith.

While this, though it comes within the
range of his rule, will seem to a stricter taste
rather a rhymed pun than an epigram:-
""Tis well enough that Goodenough

Before the House should preach;
For sure enough, full bad enough
Were those he had to teach."
Compare that with Pope's—

brevity;" but the definition is surely imper- John Trott was desired by two witty peers fect. The word, as the compiler allows, orig- To tell them the reason why asses had ears. inally meant an inscription, and in England'An't please you,' quoth John, I'm not given to its use is certainly not restricted to verse. Nor dare I presume to know more than my betNo Englishman thinks of questioning that Voltaire uttered an epigram when he said the "Frenchman was a cross between an ape and a tiger-tiger predominating; " or Disraeli, when he wrote on the Duke of Newcastle, "the house of Pelham has been distinguished for the last century by an incapacity for statesmanship and a genius for jobbing; the Legitimists, when they voted for Proudhon, because "one must pass through the Red Sea to reach the promised land." Even Mr. Booth would scarcely deny that the man who said "all the Luttrells have curly teeth and straight hair" made an epigram, or that Macaulay's description of Atterbury's defence of the letters of Phalaris, as " the very best book ever written on the wrong side of a question, of both sides of which the writer was profoundly ignorant," belonged to the same class of composition. In English, too, we submit, the word carries with it, by usage, though not by nature, the idea that the sentence or verse shall bite, shall be branded, as it were, upon somebody or something, an idea admirably put in the verse Mr. Booth has used for a motto:

"An epigram should be, if right,

Short, simple, pointed, keen, and bright,
A lively little thing!

Like wasp with taper body-bound
By lines-not many-neat and round,
All ending in a sting."

If "lines" be taken to include lines of prose, and "point" be held to include all varieties of effective meaning, that definition is good, though it is still too limited. An epigram may occur within a poem which, in itself, is not one; as, for example, these lines in Moore's terrible song on the Prince Regent's treatment of Sheridan.

“No, not for the wealth of all those that despise

thee,

Though that would make Europe's whole opu

lence mine."

* Epigrams, Ancient and Modern. By Rev. J. Booth. Longman.

" And moonstruck poets midnight vigils keep, Sleepless themselves to give to others sleep ;' or the excellent epigram given by Carlyle, as written over the door of Bishop Pompignan, who translated the Lamentations, and the difference will be at once perceived. So, too, a verse like this of Swift's is no more an epigram in the true English sense than any other bad pun or silly jest—

"When twoscore throats together squall,
It may be called a Mad-rig-al;"
which is only a little better than this, cut,
we suppose, from some Yankee paper :-

"A correspondent, something new
Transmitting, signed himself X. Q.
The editor his letter read,

And begged he might be X. Q. Z.” While, despite the excessive breadth of the subject, Moore's description of Mahomedans constitutes a true specimen.

"Men of the saintly murderous brood,

To carnage and the Koran given, Who think, through unbelievers' blood, Lies the directest path to heaven." Brevity is an absolute necessity, and consequently Swift's scorching verses upon Marlborough, incisive as they are, are rather a string of epigrams than a complete one. "This world he cumbered long enough, He burnt his candle to the snuff;

When we're apart to strike the balance." perfectly printed as this is, put in some five

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S REPLY TO THE
WORKING MEN OF MANCHESTER.

in all Europe, are called to endure in this crisis. It has been often and studiously rep

EXECUTIVE MANSION, Washington, Jan. 19. resented that the attempt to overthrow this

To the Working Men of Manchester :

I HAVE the honor to acknowledge the ceipt of the address and resolutions which you sent to me on the eve of the new year.

When I came, on the 4th day of March, 1861, through a free and constitutional election, to preside in the Government of the United States, the country was found at the verge of civil war. Whatever might have been the cause, or whosesoever the fault, one duty, paramount to all others, was before me namely, to maintain and preserve at once the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal Republic. A conscientious purpose to perform this duty is the key to all the measures of administration which have been, and to all which will hereafter be pursued. Under our frame of government, and my official oath, I could not depart from this purpose if I would. It is not always in the power of governments to enlarge or restrict the scope of moral results, which follow the policies that they may deem it necessary, for the public safety, from time to time to adopt.

government, which was built upon the founre-dation of human rights, and to substitute for it one which should rest exclusively on the basis of human slavery, was likely to obtain the favor of Europe. Through the action of our disloyal citizens, the working men of Europe have been subjected to a severe trial, for the purpose of forcing their sanction to that attempt. Under these circumstances I cannot but regard your decisive utterances upon the question as an instance of sublime Christian heroism which has not been surpassed in any age or in any country. It is indeed an energetic and re-inspiring assurance of the inherent power of truth, and of the ultimate and universal triumph of justice, humanity, and freedom. I do not doubt that the sentiments you have expressed will be sustained by your great nation: and, on the other hand, I have no hesitation in assuring you they will excite admiration, esteem, and the most reciprocal feelings of friendship among the American people. I hail this interchange of sentiment, therefore, as an augury that, whatever misfortune may befall your country or my own, the peace and friendship which now exist between the two nations will be, as it shall be my desire to make them, perpetual. ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

STARVING OPERATIVES IN ENGLAND.

I have understood well that the duty of self-preservation rests solely with the American people. But I have at the same time been aware that favor or disfavor of foreign nations might have a material influence in enlarging and prolonging the struggle with disloyal men in which the country is engaged. A fair examination of history has seemed to THE AMERICAN CONTRIBUTIONS TO THE authorize a belief that the past action and influences of the United States were generally regarded as having been beneficial toward mankind. I have, therefore, reckoned upon the forbearance of nations. Circumstances, to some of which you kindly allude, induced me especially to expect that if justice and good faith should be practised by the United States, they would encounter no hostile influence on the part of Great Britain. It is now a pleasant duty to acknowledge the demonstration you have given of your desire that a spirit of peace and amity toward this country may prevail in the councils of your queen, who is respected and esteemed in your own country only more than she is by the kindred nation which has its home on this side of the Atlantic.

I know, and deeply deplore, the sufferings which the working men at Manchester, and

THE English correspondent of the New York Commercial Advertiser says that immediately on the arrival of the ship at Liverpool with the supplies from this country, the Chamber of Commerce of that city immediately took appropriate steps to honor the occasion. Measures were adopted to hold a meeting of reception in St. George's Hall, at which the authorities and persons of distinction were to be present, and an address made to Captain Lunt, the commander of the ship. Annexed is the copy of the address:To the Commander of the ship George Griswold, as the representative of the American Contributors to the Relief of the Distress in the Cotton-manufacturing Districts:

Sir Sixteen years ago, when our countrymen in Ireland were suffering the horrors of famine, your nation, then united and pros

perous, sent across the Atlantic offerings of warranted in saying that men of all shades of grain and provisions to alleviate their great opinion would rejoice to see this war termidistress. To-day, with your energies taxed nated in any way that would not be inconto the utmost by the gigantic struggle through sistent with your honor as a people and with which you are passing, you have not ceased the great and responsible position which you to be mindful of the misery which this sad occupy among the nations. contest is inflicting on fully half a million of our industrious workers, and you have a second time generously contributed of the abundance with which God has blessed you to help the necessities of those among us who, through no fault of their own, are reduced to a state of compulsory idleness and destitution.

We call to mind that out of the sufferings of that period there arose for us by the emancipation of our industry an unspeakable good which has enriched our country-extended our commerce-banished not a few of our social discontents-and inaugurated a great moral revolution, the blessings of which have not been confined to ourselves, but are gradually working out in other countries the like beneficial results. May we not hope that the trial through which you and we are passing will be the precursor of equally great social ameliorations; and that out of the darkest hour of a nation's existence-that of bloodched between members of the same familythere may issue for you some signal national deliverance, the benefits of which are to stretch beyond yourselves to the gain of our common humanity?

Our country accepts with gratitude this noble gift. We welcome to our port the bearers of this brotherly bounty-freely given, freely stowed, and freely freighted across the seas, by a commander who has given his free services to this benevolent work. Our government and the local authorities have shown their appreciation of the act by removing every impost on the free admission of the ship and her cargo. As representing the mercantile community of Liverpool, this Chamber of Commerce asks you to convey to the donors its sense of the liberal and friendly spirit in which your merchants and agriculturists have united to send forward to our distressed operatives so acceptable a message of good-will and sympathy. And in many a home darkened by the shadow of this terrible calamity the silent thanks and prayers of thousands, who are bearing their privations with a patience and a heroism beyond all praise, will your best reward.

We shall recognize in the return of peace and prosperity among you the best securities for our own continued prosperity. We trust that nothing will arise to interrupt for a moment the friendly relations which have heretofore subsisted between us, and that no harsh judgment or misrepresentations of feelings and motives on either side will lead us to forget that we are kinsmen-sprung from a common stock, united by the bond of a common language, and fellow-laborers in the common cause of progress.

May the two great branches of the AngloSaxon family be found generous rivals in the arts of peace, and in efforts to ameliorate the condition of mankind! And at no distant period may the sword be sheathed throughout your land, and the sound of strife be exchanged for the conquests of industry.

Signed on behalf of the Liverpool Chamber of Commerce.

PROTEST AGAINST FOREIGN MEDIATION.

THE following resolutions, reported to the Senate on Saturday last by Mr. Sumner, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, to which was referred the "message of the President of the United States, communicating, in answer to a resolution of the Senate, correspondence on the subject of mediation, arbitration, or other measures looking to the termination of the present rebellion," have passed both Houses of Congress :

Whereas it appears from the diplomatic correspondence submitted to Congress that a proposition, friendly in form, looking to pacification through foreign mediation, has been made to the United States by the Emperor of the French, and promptly declined by the President; and whereas the idea of mediation or intervention in some shape may be regarded by foreign governments as practicable, and such governments, through this misunderstanding, may be led to proceedings tending Addressing you on behalf of a community to embarrass the friendly relations which now among whom, it is well known, great differ- exist between them and the United States; ences of opinion prevail as to the causes and and whereas, in order to remove for the fuobjects of the contest now unhappily raging ture all chance of misunderstanding on this among you, it would be evidently unbecoming subject, and to secure for the United States in us to put forward any statement that would the full enjoyment of that freedom from forcreate dissension and mar the general har-eign interference which is one of the highest mony of the occasion; but we think we are rights of independent States, it seems fit that

be

Congress should declare its convictions there- relations of good-will with foreign powers on: Thereforewhich the United States are happy to culti

vate.

Resolved (the House of Representatives Resolved, That the rebellion, from its beconcurring), That while in times past the ginning, and far back even in the conspiracy United States have sought and accepted the which preceded its outbreak, was encouraged friendly mediation or arbitration of foreign by the hope of support from foreign powers; powers for the pacific adjustment of interna- that its chiefs frequently boasted that the tional questions, where the United States were people of Europe were so far dependent upon the party of the one part and some other sov-regular supplies of the great Southern staple ereign power the party of the other part; and that, sooner or later, their Government would while they are not disposed to misconstrue be constrained to take side with the rebellion the natural and humane desire of foreign in some effective form, even to the extent of powers to aid in arresting domestic troubles, forcible intervention, if the milder form did which widening in their influence, have af- not prevail; that the rebellion is now susflicted other countries, especially in view of tained by this hope, which every proposition the circumstance, deeply regretted by the of foreign interference quickens anew, and American people, that the blow aimed by the that, without this life-giving support, it must rebellion at the national life has fallen heavily soon yield to the just and paternal authority upon the laboring population of Europe; yet, of the National Government; that, considernotwithstanding these things, Congress can- ing these things which are aggravated by the not hesitate to regard every proposition of motive of the resistance thus encouraged, the foreign interference in the present contest as United States regret that foreign powers have so far unreasonable and inadmissible that its not frankly told the chiefs of the rebellion only explanation will be found in a misun- that the work in which they are engaged is derstanding of the true state of the question, hateful, and that a new government, such as and of the real character of the war in which they seek to found, with slavery as its acthe Republic is engaged. knowledged corner-stone, and with no other declared object of separate existence, is so far shocking to civilization and the moral sense of mankind that it must not expect welcome or recognition in the Commonwealth of Nations.

Resolved, That the United States are now grappling with an unprovoked and wicked rebellion, which is seeking the destruction of the Republic, that it may build a new power, whose corner-stone, according to the confession of its chiefs, shall be slavery; that for the suppression of this rebellion, and thus to save the Republic and to prevent the establishment of such a power, the National Government is now employing armies and fleets in full faith that through these efforts all the purposes of conspirators and rebels will be crushed; that while engaged in this struggle, on which so much depends, any proposition from a foreign power, whatever form it may take, having for its object the arrest of these efforts, is, just in proportion to its influence, an encouragement, to the rebellion, and to its declared principles, and, on this account, is calculated to prolong and embitter the conflict, to cause increased expenditure of blood and treasure, and to postpone the much-desired day of peace; that, with these convictions, and not doubting that every such proposition, although made with good intent, is injurious to the national interests, Congress will be obliged to look upon any further attempt in the same direction as an unfriendly act which it earnestly deprecates, to the end that nothing may occur abroad to strengthen the rebellion, or to weaken those

Resolved, That the United States, confident in the justice of their cause, which is the cause, also, of good government and of human rights everywhere among men; anxious for the speedy restoration of peace, which shall secure tranquillity at home and remove all occasion of complaint abroad; and awaiting with well-assured trust the final suppression of the rebellion, through which all these things, rescued from present danger, will be secured forever, and the Republic, one and indivisible, triumphant over its enemies, will continue to stand an example to mankind, hereby announce, as their unalterable purpose, that the war will be vigorously prosecuted, according to the humane principles of Christian States, until the rebellion shall be suppressed; and they reverently invoke upon their cause the blessings of Almighty God.

Resolved, That the President be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions, through the Secretary of State, to the ministers of the United States in foreign countries, that the declaration and protest herein set forth may be communicated by them to the governments to which they are accredited.