ENGLISH SYMPATHY TESTED BY POPULAR MEETINGS. 331 a large party in the Northern States to de- Resolved, That the anti-slavery action of liver the Union from this curse and shame. the Federal Government during the year We rejoiced, sir, in your election to the now closing, merits the hearty approval of Presidency, as a splendid proof that the the British public and that this meeting deprinciples of universal freedom and equality clares its cordial sympathy with the Presiwere rising to the ascendant. We regarded dent and people of the United States, who with abhorrence the conspiracy and rebel- with courage, unabated by difficulty and dislion by which it was sought at once to over-aster, continue to struggle for the abolition throw the supremacy of a government based of slavery either by military authority or by upon the most popular suffrage in the world, the adoption of a scheme like that proposed and to perpetuate the hateful inequalities in successive messages to Congress. of race. We have ever heard with indigna- Resolved, That this meeting strongly rection the slander that ascribes to England ommends to public support the Emancipasympathy with a rebellion of slaveholders, tion Society, having for its object to deand all proposals to recognize in friendship velop English anti-slavery sentiment, and a Confederacy that boasts of slavery as its thereby promote that hearty reconciliation corner-stone. We have watched with the of England and America in the cause of warmest interest the steady advance of your policy along the path of emancipation; and on this eve of the day on which your proclamation of freedom takes effect, we pray God to strengthen your hands, to confirm your noble purpose, and to hasten the restoration of that lawful authority which engages, in peace or war, by compensation or by force of arms, to realize the glorious principle on which your Constitution is founded the brotherhood, freedom, and ENGLISH SYMPATHY TESTED BY POPequality of all men." GREAT MEETING AT SHEFFIELD. A great meeting was held in the Temperance Hall, Sheffield, Dec. 31. The following resolutions were passed : philanthropy and freedom to which this country has been invited by the noble and munificent efforts of the Northern States to assist in relieving the distress inflicted upon English operatives by the slaveholders' rebellion. From The London Morning Star, Jan. 2. ULAR MEETINGS. MORE than two months ago Lord Russell expressed to Mr. Adams his belief that English sympathy, as tested by popular meetings, would still be found to be upon the side of the United States. The belief Resolved, That civil war in any country is did credit to his lordship'a sagacity and an umitigated evil, more especially in Amer- knowledge of his countrymen. He might ica, whose career of prosperity and liberty have made the statement in much stronger has been unprecedented; and as the institu- terms, and yet have fallen short of the truth. tion of slavery has been the most prominent He might have said that in all public assemand influential cause of the war, this meeting is of opinion that the present is a favorable crisis for slavery to be terminated, and thus not only end the war, but give a promising and hopeful prospect to the future, of peace and prosperity both to America and England. Resolved, That in the opinion of this meeting it is the duty of England, as the recognized enemy of slavery, to give her sympathy and moral influence to the Northern States, to disapprove of the origin and continuance of the slave-owners' rebellion, and by all peaceable means to try to cement a closer and stronger union between this country and the people and government of America. MEETING AT ISLINGTON. On the evening of Dec. 29, a crowded public meeting was held in Myddelton Hall, Islington, and the following resolutions adopted : blages an overwhelming preponderance of sentiment would be manifested for the North. The experiment has been made, and with a degree of success that must have surprised some of its promoters. Wherever a vote has been taken upon the question, the sympathizers with the South have numbered about one in a hundred. In most instances, and in assemblies of the largest dimensions, the cause of the North has been sustained with absolute unanimity and enthusiasm. There were three such meetings on Wednesday night-the eve of the day on which the proclamation of freedom was to take effect. The great Free Trade Hall at Manchester, the Temperance Hall at Sheffield, and one of the largest places of public meeting in London, were crowded with working men, who adopted by acclamation addresses to President Lincoln in support of his anti 332 ENGLISH SYMPATHY TESTED BY POPULAR MEETINGS. slavery policy. Nearly every day for the alleged sympathy of this country with the last month or two we have had to record so-called Southern Confederacy of America, some similar demonstration of opinion. and especially to encourage the United These meetings have been held in various States Government in the prosecution of an parts of the country,-in the suffering cot- emancipation policy." The former of these ton districts as well as in the prosperous objects is at any rate quite within the provtowns of the midland of the southern coun-ince of Englishmen. It may be proposed ties, and there has been not a single excep- without offence to the most sensitive about tion to the prevailing sentiment. Nowhere interference in the affairs of other nations. have the advocates of the Confederacy ob- Neither can it be regarded as at all a supertained as many supporters as there are Slave fluous proposal. The assertion of English States. They have been left in the most sympathy with the South had long been so ignominious minorities whenever they have common, and had been so seldom contraventured upon presenting even an amend- dicted, that its formal denial became the ment that affected to censure the North for positive duty of all who disbelieved it. In a lack of anti-slavery earnestness. Of course little longer time it would have passed into it will be said that these meetings do not history as among the admitted facts of our fairly represent the divided state of public generation. Lord Russell's judgment of his opinion that they are attended mainly by countrymen would have gone for nothing people who concur with the objects an- against the perpetual repetition of an opponounced-and that the bulk of those who site assertion. The Emancipation Society dissent choose to stay away. But they at has certainly arrested a process so dishonorleast show that there is a powerful and ac- able to the English character. It has altive sympathy in the public mind with a ready collected evidence enough that among cause that has been alleged to have no all classes of our countrymen there is an infriends in England—and the adherents of dignant repudiation of sympathy with a govthe other cause are bound to attempt coun- ernment founded upon the doctrine that ter-demonstrations if they deny the conclu- slavery is a divine institution. This in itsiveness of these. self would be a considerable service to truth It is chiefly to the Emancipation Society and humanity. But England owes a more we owe these meetings. In little more than positive duty both to herself and to Amera month it has organized a committee of re- ica-the duty of offering encouragement to markable comprehensiveness and signifi- those who are pursuing, amid arduous difficance. The list contains more than two culties, the path which she herself has trodhundred names, headed by that of the great- den, with easier steps, to a happy, glorious est of living English philosophers-John goal. It should never be forgotten that the Stuart Mill and followed by those of a United States owe to this country both slav greater number of individuals distinguished ery and the anti-slavery agitation. West for intellect and intellectual influence than India emancipation almost created the Aboany similar catalogue published within our litionist party in America. In its earlier time. The universities, the senate, the bar, days it both suffered from and was aided by the press, the pulpit, are represented by English sympathy. Now that it is shaping men whom no respectable opponent would the policy of the republic, and even wielding disparage. They are by no means men of the powers of war, it is as much as ever in one party, nor of one religious denomina- need of, and as much as ever entitled to, all tion. They are not identical in opinion the moral support that a great people can about the origin or the probable issue of the give. In that belief, the Emancipation SoAmerican contest-about the right of the ciety labors to develop English anti-slavery South to secede, or the power of the North sentiment, and to convey the expression of to re-establish the Union. On these points it across the Atlantic. Who can disapprove the Emancipation Society is silent, and its of such an object ?-who that is not indifmembers are bound to no agreement. Their ferent to the wrongs of the negro, to the Union is based upon the resolution of a pre- troubles of a kindred people, to the honor liminary conference, declaring "the impor- of the whole Anglo-Saxon race, can refuse tance of adopting means to counteract the to help? It is a work of the broadest hu to the mother country; most of them had manity, of the most practical religion, of the | among the colonists themselves concerning most conservative as well as the most liberal the necessity or propriety of such a declarapolicy. The most conscientious friends of tion. Nearly all were still tenderly attached peace may unite in it-for it will sustain no less effectually emancipation by voluntary legislation than emancipation by the chances of war. The ministers of religion may help it from their pulpits, or by meetings in their churches, without the least intrusion upon sacred associations-for it aims at cleansing Christian civilization from its foulest blot. The women of our island may help it by doing again, let us say, what they did ten years ago-subscribing half a million of their names to an address of sympathy with American Emancipationists. In whatever method Englishmen give constitutional expression to their opinions or wishes, they may justly utter now the generous desire that peace and freedom may not be divided, but rule together over the whole fair surface of the Western world. * "Our first Declaration of Independence effected little at first. It did not make the colonies independent, simply to declare them so. It was sneered at by Tories in this country and in England. It was called brutum fulmen! They will do nothing but bring ridicule upon themselves by showing their weakness,' said Lord Rockford. My Lords!' said Lord Gower, with contemptuous sneers, let the Americans talk about their natural and divine rights, their rights as men and citizens, their rights from God and nature; I am for enforcing these measures.' “And what, indeed, were the chances that this Declaration of Independence would come to anything? England was mistress of the seas, and monarch of the land. The colonies had neither arms, nor ammunition, nor navy, nor money, nor forts, nor disciplined troops, nor any federate power of taxation. And, besides, there was no unity been born and educated there, and there "The fanatics carried their point, and the conservatives stood aghast; the Declaration was written and adopted, and soon became the rallying cry for all the colonies. The frail bark of colonial liberty which had hitherto been tossed hither and thither by hesitating counsels, now steadied and came round to this single star of her destiny, from which she never turned aside in seven years of tears and blood and self-immolation. From that moment there was something to live for, and something to wait for. Parents who now gave their sons to the sacrifice, took heart and hope as they thought of the Promised Land, Wives and mothers sat by their deserted hearthstones through seven cold winters, thinking of absent ones, and warmed their souls with the bright hope that the next generation of mothers would sit by their firesides with their loved ones around them, and none to molest nor make afraid. All the horrors of war only deepened their consecration to the realization of this fair promise. Had there been no vision, the people must inevitably have perished; but when once the shining form of Liberty had passed before their eyes, they could no longer live for base and ignoble ends. other London papers. The cause of the South now engages some of the ablest pens in London. A few months ago these men knew nothing about us, and cared less. Among the contributors and leader-writers for the Index are J. B. Hopkins and Percy Gregg, Esqs. Both of them are Englishmen. The former has read a capital statistical paper be fore the Social Science Congress, on The Productiveness of the South, which has attracted much attention, and made Lord Brougham very angry. The same gentleman has lately written an introduction to the South Vindicated,' by General Williams, a book just published in London, in magnificent style, and well received. This work, as some of our readers will remember, was first published under the title of Letters during the Presidential Canvass of 1860, in Nashville,' by James Williams, late minister to Constantinople, and was the first book copyrighted under the Confederate States. And now, friends, I have described to you, with a slight change in time and scenery, the history and hopes of the second great declaration of independence, made on the 1st day of January, 1863, by Abraham Lincoln. Now, as then, the declaration is laughed at by many as mere harmless thunder.' Now, as then, the country is divided in opinion; a large and corrupt party still hanker for the flesh-pots of Egypt (the Union as it was), while others seek a better country, even an heavenly (the Union as it ought to be). Now, as then, trade is annoyed by the disturbance of securities, and more anxious for a swift than an honorable and lasting peace. But now, as then, the masses of the people are determined to conquer a permanent peace. Now, as then, the Radicals have carried the day, and Conservatives hold up "Mr. Percy Gregg is one of the principal their hands in holy horror. But now, as leader-writers of the Saturday Review, the then, we shall see the whole struggle sim-leading London weekly, and writes admiraplified, and all its sorrows sanctified by the transcendent brightness of the vision which is to be realized through the struggle and the sorrow. And now, as then, we shall see our great ship of state, so long floundering in the cross seas of divided counsels and uncertain aims, wear steadily round and lay her course to the pole star of Liberty." ble Southern articles. He is an editorial contributor to the Morning Herald and Standard, both of which papers are in effect daily Southern organs. "The financial writer for the Index is Mr. George McHenry, an ardent Southerner, though born in Philadelphia. This gentleman also does yeoman's service to the Southern cause in the Times." Nor can this Southerner in England conceal his contempt for the Englishmen who are so basely serving the rebel cause. He says:— "The Times, friendly to us because it is fashionable to be so, has become a contemptible sheet, and is rapidly failing." It is thus evident that the ingenious rebels have subsidized-at a cheap rate, probably writers on the English press; and thus they "make" public opinion for themselves among the aristocrats. But in the mean time the people of England, suffer as they may, recognize the real merits of our cause, and the operatives of Manchester in their recent meetings show how clear is their apprehension of our difficulties, how strong their love for universal liberty.-N. Y. Evening Post. CASE OF THE ALABAMA. advise no other steps being taken until it was known whether or not the Govermnent thought fit to interfere; but inasmuch as the Government might not unreasonably take some little time to determine what course to pursue, during which time the vessel might escape, I advise the more prompt remedy.” IT has been the general practice of the British press to ignore the facts and misstate the law in the case of the Alabama. Among the London journals, only the Morning Star and the Daily News have been at all honest in this matter. The Times wilfully misap- A week later, Mr. Collier gave a further prehends and misrepresents the case which opinion, that the collector of customs at may be put into a nutshell. For example, Liverpool would be justified in detaining thus: Mr. Laird, an English member of the vessel, adding "Indeed, I should think Parliament, has a large ship-building yard it his duty to detain her, and that if, after at Birkenhead, close to Liverpool, at which he built a Confederate war-steamer, then numbered "290," since known as the Alabama. The American ambassador, Mr. Adams, having received information of the character and intended career of this vessel -namely, that it was to be piratically employed against merchantmen sailing under the United States flag-represented to Lord Russell that she was built in contravention of the Foreign Enlistinent Act. He brought this subject before Lord Russell as early as June 23, 1862, declaring that "this vessel has been built and launched from the dockyard of persons, one of whom is now sitting as a member of the House of Commons, and is fitting out for the especial and manifest object of carrying on hostilities by sea." On July 16th, a case having been laid before Mr. R. P. Collier, a leading lawyer on the Western Circuit, a queen's counsel, judge advocate of the fleet, and counsel to the British Admiralty, and also member of Parliament for Portsmouth, his opinion was as follows: the application which has been made to him, supported by the evidence which has been laid before me, he allows the vessel to leave Liverpool, he will incur a heavy responsibility-a responsibility of which the Board of Customs, under whose direction he appears to be acting, must take their share. It appears difficult to make out a stronger case of infringement of the Foreign Enlist ment Act, which, if not enforced on this occasion, is little better than a dead letter. It well deserves consideration whether, the vessel be allowed to escape, the Federal Government would not have serious grounds of remonstrance." But, about this time, the British Government sent instructions to the collector at Liverpool not to exercise the powers of the Foreign Enlistment Act (59 Geo. III., cap. 69), because the affidavits, on which Mr. Collier had founded his opinion, did not seem to be sufficient, in Lord Russell's mind, to warrant the seizure and condemnation of the vessel. At that time, July 22, "Number 290" lay in Birkenhead docks, ready for sea, in all respects, with a "I think the evidence almost conclusive crew of fifty men on board. On the 29th that the vessel in question is being fitted out July, "Number 290" did sail from Liverby the Messrs. Laird as a privateer for the pool, without register or clearance, and then use of the Confederate Government, in con--but not until then-Lord Russell destravention of the provisions of the Foreign patched an order for her detention. In Mr. Enlistment Act, 59 Geo. III., cap. 69. As Adams's despatch of August 1st, to Mr. the matter is represented to me to be urgent, I advise that the principal officer of the customs at Liverpool be immediately applied to, under 59 Geo. III., cap. 69-'7, to exercise the powers conferred upon him by that section to seize the vessel, with a view to her condemnation, an idemnity being given to him if he requires it. It would be proper at the same time to lay a statement of the fact before the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, coupled with a request that Her Mujesty's Government would direct the vessel to be seized, or ratify her seizure if it has been made. If the matter were not urgent I should Seward, he says: "Lord Russell first took up the case of 290,' the Alabama, and remarked that a delay in determining upon it had most unexpectedly been caused by the sudden development of a malady of the Queen's Advocate, Sir John D. Harding, totally incapacitating him for the transaction of business. This had made it necessary to call in other parties, whose opinion had been at last given for the detention of the gunboat, but before the order got down to Liverpool the vessel was gone." |