one in the annals of Mississippi. It will be regarded as the dawning of a new era in the history of letters, and as such will be hailed with joy by the friends of science throughout the nation.

Our state will not be appreciated at home, nor sufficiently honored abroad, until her educated youth shall acknowledge as their alma mater this or some other reputable college within our own limits. The practice of sending the youth of the country abroad to be educated, ought to be discouraged. The only effectual means of doing so, is to rear up colleges and academies at home, which may successfully compete with those of other states. The enterprising founders of Centenary College have set a noble example, and one which deserves imitation. Let such institutions be encouraged by all proper means in our power, and instead of sending our youth abroad to be educated, where they sometimes contract unfortunate habits, and grow up with false prejudices against home institutions and laws, they may be kept at home comparatively under the supervisory care of their parents, surrounded by those institutions and protected by those laws which it is proper they should be early brought to love and reverence.

Great seminaries of learning will effect but little in that general diffusion of knowledge so absolutely essential to the happiness of man and the prosperity of government. In monarchical governments where the liberty of the people is considered destructive of government, the greater the ignorance the greater the safety, is a popular motto. But here, where all political power is inherent in the people, there can be no calculating the advantage of education, nor telling the countless blessings-political, social, and religious-which it may dispense to all parts of the country. Some of our sister states, with a singular tardiness in widening the bounds of human liberty, still cling to the exploded idea that a man's capacity for self-government may be measured by the length of his purse, and hence give to the ignorant man of fortune the elective franchise, while they withhold the same inestimable privilege from the educated poor. Thanks to a generous people, no such blot is allowed to rest on the escutcheon of Mississippi. If the sixty years' experience which we have had in the science of government has demonstrated anything, it has shown that man is best governed when he governs himself. I would knock off the shackles and give to freemen liberty in its broadest sense. But I would extend the blessings of education to every one, that every one might read and understand the importance of using that liberty for their own safety and for the advancement of their country's glory. I cherish it, fellow-citizens, among the most ardent wishes of my heart, that the day may yet come when every white adult in the state of Mississippi may at least be enabled to read and write. For this universal education we are to look to common schools, and not to those great seminaries, where the more elevated branches of polite literature are taught. I will not dwell on the advantages of such schools. It is to be hoped, however, that an enlightened assembly, legislating no less for the future than for the present generation, will not neglect a subject which forms the substantial basis of our social happiness and political prosperity. If my advice could avail anything, it would be freely given in favor of a general system of common schools, which should be open to all, and at which the poor should be educated

gratis. That some such scheme, combining at once the convenience and economy of the New England system, will be brought forward, I sincerely hope and believe. No more advantageous field than this need be wanted by that man who wishes to exercise a laudable ambition, or to leave a name that shall live after him. I venture the prediction, that the man who brings forward, and carries successfully through, a well digested plan of common schools, will erect for himself in the hearts of his countrymen a monument more lasting than marble-as enduring as time

itself.

It should be the studied purpose of all who legislate, so to regulate the internal policy of the state that the blessings of government may be dispensed without stint and without partiality. The policy of every nation should be to secure the happiness and prosperity, and with them the affections, of its people. Hence, every system which tends to paralyze the energies of any class of our citizens ought to be abandoned. Industry should be encouraged. Labor, when properly employed, may always be relied on as a substantial source of national wealth. Whatever tends to divert the laboring man from his pursuit, or to degrade his occupation, should never be persisted in. Repeated complaints have been made by mechanics, that convict labor in the penitentiary was so employed as to conflict seriously with their pursuits, and to bring the mechanic arts into disrepute. Having at all times an anxious desire to relieve the oppressed, and to encourage such as are pursuing an honest livelihood, I doubt not the immediate representatives of the people will speedily inquire into the causes of these complaints, and apply such salutary corrective as shall at once satisfy the complainants and promote the public interest. I tender my hearty co-operation in such a measure.

Among the most delicate and responsible trusts confided to the executive, is the pardoning power. Feeling that this power of arresting the judgments of the courts, was conferred for the purpose of staying the hand of the executioner, and giving life and liberty to the unfortunate accused in extreme cases only, and not for the purpose of being exercised at discretion, I shall govern myself accordingly; and however much my personal sympathies may be enlisted for the unfortunate convict, or his still more unfortunate friends, those sympathies will not be allowed to arrest me in the faithful discharge of my official duties. I repeat what I have hitherto said, that when courts and juries convict, the law will be allowed to take its course, except in extraordinary cases-as when, for example, new facts, important to the defence of the accused, are elicited after conviction and sentence. Any other course would tend to defeat the ends of justice, and make the execution of the criminal law depend on the will of one man.

Believing that the immediate representatives of the people constitute the source through which their will ought to be expressed, I shall be most happy to find it always compatible with my sense of duty to concur in such measures as they may think proper to adopt. But as the veto power was given to the executive to check unconstitutional and improvident legislation, it will be exercised for that purpose, should it, in my opinion, unfortunately become necessary. Relying, however, with the fullest confidence on the intelligence, virtue, and political forecast

of the legislature, I will indulge the pleasing hope that no such necessity will arise during my continuance in office.

I have abstained from any expression of opinion in regard to national politics, for the reason, among many others, that I find in our domestic household more that requires attention than we shall find time to dispose of. There is one subject, however, which, being viewed in a particular aspect, is so intimately connected with the prosperity of our state, the perpetuity of her institutions, and, I may add, of her existence as an independent member of the confederacy, that I will be pardoned for briefly adverting to it. I mean the annexation of Texas to the United States. Already has it been hinted in the diplomatic circles of another country, that the ambassador of a powerful nation had been authorized by his court to offer independence to Texas, on conditions which, if accepted, could not fail to affect seriously our dearest interests. These conditions are said to have been the total abolition of slavery in that republic. I respectfully submit whether there is not just reason to apprehend that a country like this, worn down by the fatigues and turmoils of a protracted war, and constantly menaced by a formidable enemy, may not be induced, when all other efforts at peace have been tried in vain, to close with overtures like this, and especially if the proposition comes, as it most likely will, gilded over with the additional proposition to pay the residents of Texas a fair compensation for their slaves. Annexation under any circumstances, is desirable. So long, however, as Texas maintains her independence, and adheres to her present form of government, it is not indispensable, especially if she repel, as I trust she ever will, with becoming energy, all attempts to unsettle her domestic policy on the subject of slavery. But if the question shall arise, whether the United States and Texas shall constitute an integral government, or Texas become a British colony, no friend of the Union can hesitate as to the course which imperious necessity will require him to pursue. requi

I will not doubt the patriotism of Texans, nor call in question their friendship for this country and its institutions; but self-preservation is the first law of our nature, and may not Texas, after years of continued disturbance and apprehension, without money, and almost without friends, be constrained even against her inclination to accept terms like these, in the vain hope of preserving her identity among the nations of the earth? And shall we stand idly by, whilst Texas, and with her our own institutions, are drawn inch by inch into the meshes of a wily nation that has never failed to do us injury? Shall we stand with our arms folded in fancied security, while Great Britain is stealthily advancing that destructive policy (abolition) of which she is the national impersonification? Does any one doubt, that if England can sever the tie which binds Texas to the United States-if once she can get the confidence of the Texan people, she will by negotiation, or by conquest, add that country to her already powerful dominions? Give England a foothold in Texas, and she will plant her colonies there, and become in that country what she failed to be in the Indies-your great rival in the production of cotton. Annex Texas to the United States, and you will have acquired a territory salubrious in climate and fertile in soil, abounding in all that can make a country desirable. From this territory you

may erect independent states that will come into the Union alongside of Wisconsin and Iowa, and the yet unsettled territory of the NorthWest, thus preserving that political equilibrium in the Senate of the United States, so absolutely essential to the safety of our domestic institutions. Annex Texas to the United States, and you give to the South a degree of influence in the councils of the nation which will enable her to assert her rights with confidence, and maintain them with independence, and secure to Mississippi peace in the exercise of her domestic policy, and a proud independence as a separate member of the confederacy. More than this, I need not say. If the representatives of the people agree with me in these views, they will adopt some suitable mode of making their opinions known, and invite the action of Congress and of our sister states on this interesting subject.

In conclusion, fellow-citizens, let us invoke the favor of Divine Providence to extend still further His kindness to our country and ourselves. That He will enlighten our minds, and elevate our thoughts, and so direct our councils, that in all our efforts to advance the great cause of human liberty we may be eminently successful. Let us remember that no people were ever prosperous and happy, for a long period of time, who did not govern themselves by an elevated standard of religion and morality, and acknowledge their constant dependence on the Great Ruler of the universe. That we may so continue to acknowledge our dependence, and that we may always be remembered in mercy in the dispensations of His divine providence, is the earnest prayer of your humble servant.

MESSAGE.

ANNUAL MESSAGE AS GOVERNOR OF MISSISSIPPI, COMMUNICATED TO THE LEGISLATURE JANUARY 6, 1846.

GENTLEMEN OF THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: The biennial meeting of the legislature imposes on me the constitutional duty of communicating to the representatives of the people the state of the country. The past two years has presented a period of very general prosperity. The health of the country has been good. Industry and economy, united with a sound currency, propitious seasons and a fruitful soil, have rewarded the toils of the husbandman with a fair income. Blessed with tranquillity at home and peace abroad, our country has gone forward towards the high destiny which awaits her. The people, rejoicing that their destiny has been cast in a land of liberty-in a land where the written constitution and the laws throw the ægis of their protection alike over the humble and the exalted, have pursued their several vocations with profit to themselves and honor to their country. With the destruction of the causes which produced them, vice and immorality have measurably disappeared, and the Christian's heart is gladdened by the manifest improvement in religion and morality. These are matters which awaken feelings of gratitude to our Divine Master,

and call forth expressions of devoutest praise. Whilst we witness this general prosperity among the people, it is pleasing to know that the state has prospered also. She has recovered rapidly from her embarrassments, and, if not checked by unwise legislation, must very soon throw off her shackles entirely. Her financial affairs have greatly improved. The auditor's report of January 1st, 1844, exhibited the indebtedness of the state on account of Auditor's warrants at .

There has been issued from January 1st, 1844, to January 1st, 1846,

Making an aggregate of

There has been paid into the Treasury, on all accounts, from January 1st, 1844, to January 1st, 1846, Showing a balance outstanding on the 1st of January, 1846, of

$614,743.831

436,508.411 1,051,252.25

779,711.58

271,707.07

The assessments of taxes for 1845, very little of which has yet been collected and paid into the Treasury, amount to $413,772.98. To this the Auditor adds $20,000 on account of miscellaneous items, and subtracts $30,000 for assessing, collecting, and insolvencies, leaving a balance of $403,772.98, which will be paid on account of taxes for 1845; so that by the close of the present fiscal year, should the tax collectors settle with the same promptness that characterized them in 1844, the state will have redeemed an amount equal to the warrants that are now outstanding, and leave a surplus if no others were issued, of $131,062.91. What amount shall be issued in the mean time depends mainly on the action of the legislature. I have been congratulating myself that the sum would be unusually small. There are but few private demands against the treasury, which will require appropriations, and I am not aware that the public interest will need any important outlay of money beyond the ordinary expenses of the government. The legislature has doubtless imbibed the prevailing sentiment of the age, that economy is the greatest and best virtue with states, as well as with individuals-and it will therefore limit the appropriations to such objects as are indispen

sable.

Of the auditor's warrants outstanding on the 1st inst., $159,716.68 is in the form of funded scrip, not payable until after January 1st, 1847, and may therefore be placed in the account of the next year. Estimating the expenses of the legislature at $60,000 and the state government at $125,000, I set down the sum necessary to be provided for the present year, as follows:

Auditor's warrants issued prior to January 1st, 1846, not funded, or funded and due in the year 1846,

Expenses of the legislature,

State government for 1846,

Total,

$105,845.09

60,000.00

125,000.00

$290,845.09

It will be seen that these are items of indispensable necessity, and must be provided for. They leave a surplus of $113,927.86 on the first of January, 1847. There has been paid into the treasury, at various times, on account of the seminary fund, $79,548.76, which drawing by law an interest of eight per cent. amounts now to $103,068.40, and there