HORNBECK, S. K.-Contemporary Politics in the Far East.

HOUSE, E. M., AND C. SEYMOUR.-What Really Happened at Paris. KAWAKAINI, K. K.—Japan in World Politics.

KEYNES, J. M.—

A Revision of the Treaty.

Economic Consequences of the Peace Treaty. LANSING, R.—The Peace Negotiations.

LATANE, J. H.

From Isolation to Leadership.

The United States and Latin America. LATOURETTE, K. S.—The Development of China.

Lockey, J. B.—-Pan-Americanism: its Beginnings.

MAHAN, A. T.-Interest of the United States in Sea Power.
MARTIN, C. E.-

The Policy of the United States as Regards Intervention.
MILLARD, T. F. F.-Our Eastern Question.

PITKIN, W. B.-Must We Fight Japan?

STUART, G. H.-Latin America and the United States.

TARDIEU, A. P. G. A.-The Truth About the Treaty.

TEMPERLEY, H. W. (ed)—A History of the Peace Conference of Paris.

TREAT, P. J.-Japan and the United States.

VANDERLIP, F. A.-What Happened to Europe.

What Next in Europe?

WEYL, W. E.-American World Policies.

WILSON, W.-Addresses Delivered on the Western Tour.

CHAPTER XLVII

THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS

I. Historical attempts in the direction of leagues of peace. A. The Grand Design. The Confederation of Europe

as conceived by the Emperor Alexander. The Holy Alliance. The concert of Europe. Unofficial support given by leading Americans to the League of Nations idea. Attitude of Roosevelt, Taft, Hughes, Root, Lodge and Bryan. Attitude of these men toward the League of Nations.

II. Purposes and methods of the League of Nations. A. The promotion of international cooperation and the achievement of international peace and security through the acceptance of obligations not to resort to war, the prescription of open, just and honorable relations between nations, the firm establishment of the understanding of international law as the actual rule of conduct among governments, the maintenance of justice, and the maintenance of a scrupulous respect for all treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples with one another.

III. Organization of the League of Nations.

A. The Assembly.

1. Each state has membership in the assembly, and one vote. The assembly may deal at its meeting with any matter within the sphere

of the action of the League or affecting the peace of the world. It selects four of the nine members of the council, admits new members to the League, and settles disputes referred to it by the council. The assembly is essentially the legislative body of the League.

B. The Council.

1. This is the executive body of the league, with certain legislative powers. It consists of the four members chosen by the assembly, and the representatives of the United States (if and when the United States shall join the League of Nations), the British Empire, Japan, France and Italy. Each state represented has one vote. The council may deal with any question within the sphere of the League's action or affecting the peace of the world. It is the working body of the League, and as such supervises the questions of disarmament, the establishment of an international court, the question of mandates, and the enforcement of the provisions of the Covenant of the League.

C. The Secretariat.

D.

1. Consists of a Secretary-General and staff, nominated by the Council, and approved by the Assembly. This is the technical and routine staff of the League.

Permanent Court of International Justice.

1. Organized under the authority of the Council, with power to hear and decide disputes between parties which are submitted to it, and to give advisory opinions on questions re

ferred to it by the council or assembly. The court sits at The Hague. John Bassett Moore is the only American citizen on the court. He does not represent the United States in an official capacity.

E. Commissions.

1. Arrangement is made for the creation of new commissions as the need arises, and for cer

tain permanent ones to aid the Council in the matter of administration.

IV. Questions and problems which concern the League of Nations.

A. The prevention of war, the peaceful settlement of

international disputes, the punishment of an aggressor state, modes of redress to be employed against such a state, the registration and publication of treaties, the awarding and administration of mandated territories, the prevention and control of disease, the limitation of armament, and any problem affecting the peace of the world.

V. American objections to the League.

A. The opponents of the League of Nations assert that it violates our traditional policy of non-intervention, that it sacrifices the Monroe Doctrine, that the Covenant would infringe American sovereignty, that the Council which is the governing body is only an alliance of the conquering powers of Germany, and that a new order is being set up on one hand while the old order is observed as regards Germany and the defeated countries. Answers to these objections. Refusal of the Republican majority of the Senate to ratify

without reservations affecting the Monroe Doctrine, the furnishing of troops, and the protection of the constitution and the sovereignty of the United States. Refusal of the Democrats to accept these reservations on the ground that they were unnecessary and unfriendly to the other signatory powers. The international leadership of President Woodrow Wilson. The "separate peace" with Germany, negotiated by Secretary of State Hughes, reserving all American rights as an associated power and under the Treaty of Versailles.

VI. The work of the League of Nations.

A. The League as a functioning body. Its organization, and its sessions at Geneva. During its first session it established its claim to existence and took on a fixed form. The second session resulted in the admission of new states, the grappling with detailed problems, and the choice of jurists to organize and set in motion an international court. The third session, held in 1922, dealt with the difficult problem of reconstruction in Austria, and with the problem of nationality and war.

VII. Difficulties confronting the League.

A. The council of the ambassadors, the Supreme Council of the allies, and other political combinations dealing with the German and the Near Eastern questions tend to eclipse the work of the League in interest and importance. The fear of each state to entrust its interests to the League without reserve hinders its work. For some time to come it cannot hope to be the last word on questions of international importance.