geration. Poor old George the Third is painted as a devouring tyrant; the German troops as demons in human form; every petty skirmish is exalted into a battle; every battle into a victory; even defeats so unquestionable as that of Bunker's Hill, are made to wear the colour of a triumph; the part of France is made as small, as ours was described in laying the Atlantic cable; every citizen but Arnold, shines out a pure patriot; every general a hero-the whole is a triumphal procession, and ends in a blaze of glory. Let us contrast with this, a sentence of the real truth, from one of Washington's letters, whose authority none will dispute.

He speaks thus, in a letter to Read: "Such dearth of public spirit, and such want of virtue ; such stock-jobbing, and fertility in all the low arts to obtain advantage of one kind or another, in this change of military arrangements, I never saw before, and I pray God's mercy that I may never be witness to again. I tremble at the prospect. Such a mercenary spirit pervades the whole, that I should not be surprised at any disaster that may happen. Could I have foreseen what I have experienced, and am likely to experience, no consideration on earth should have induced me to accept this command." Those who have studied the history of the Revolutionary war,

of the real facts, and this, not as narrated by ourselves, but by American historians-well know the truth of this picture. And here a question is

forced upon the mind. If this were the staple of much of the patriotism, at the period most certain to call it into existence, what measure of reliance can be safely placed, on much of that, called by the same name at the present day?

This spirit of exaggeration, thus resulting from the rapid growth of the Union, leads naturally to the boastfulness and national self-esteem which have become so prominent. Long ago, De Tocqueville observed: "For the last fifty years no pains have been spared, to convince the inhabitants of the United States, that they constitute the only religious, enlightened, and free people. They perceive, that for the present, their own democratic institutions succeed, whilst those of other countries fail; hence they conceive an overwhelming opinion of their superiority, and they are not very remote from believing themselves, to belong to a distinct raċe of mankind." Much of this is certainly the simple result of geographical position. Those who are remote from Europe, cannot be blamed for an imperfect idea of the strength and resources of the great powers. To the citizen of Illinois, who may travel for a thousand miles in many directions, without reaching the limits of the Union, who is conscious of his own strength, and buoyant in his own prosperity, it will be very natural to believe it, when taught that he belongs to the greatest power on earth-victorious by land and sea, heroic and triumphant, -that other countries are but specks upon the map, and in

much the same relative proportion, inferior in all elements of grandeur. Taking his knowledge from the books he has read, from the orations he hears, and his own observation, so far as it extends, why should he trouble himself to disbelieve, what is so agreeable to his mind to accept?

In Europe, where ignorance is abundant enough, it is at any rate mainly passive. But in America, those who have been thus taught and haranguedare the active power in the State; their passions, when aroused, are irresistible; their will, when expressed, is law. We shall find that the government reflects, less the views of the well-informed and experienced, than of this crude, wronglyinformed mass. Hence, we find in its action, a restless ambition, an aggressive, quarrelsome spirit, an entire disregard for the feelings or position of other nations; and this, so continuous and invariable, that the very name of the United States has come to be associated, in the mind of Europe, with demands or complaints, with an expectation of painful discussions, and a fore-knowledge that much will have to be conceded and endured.

It may, perhaps, be said that, after all, exaggeration is but a blemish an infirmity, of no serious importance. This cannot be, when its influence pervades all things, and extends to political belief and to its consequences. Indeed, all know that it will turn almost every virtue into vice-economy into meanness, liberality into extravagance, firm

ness into obstinacy, self-reliance into arrogance. No influence in private life, is more certain to result in the loss of character or fortune, and the same rule holds, when numbers are congregated into a people. The present calamitous war may be regarded as a result of it. In reality, nothing more really beneficial to the North could have occurred, than the event which might stay the downward course of its institutions-give to it, in reality, the self-government which had passed into other hands, and amputate a limb which threatened mortification to the whole body. But the proper sense of nationality has now become an exaggerated sentiment, akin to that of the French for glory; and this, not only shut out perception of the truth, but disdained to consider any question of constitutional rights-dismissed every thought of prudence, every calculation of probabilities—and swept the people into a fratricidal war, in which victory or defeat must be equally disastrous. And if this pernicious influence be traceable to the Union, to its magnitude and incessant growth, it cannot but be regarded as a most serious consideration, when estimating the real value of that Union to the people.

Another result of the Union on the national character, is the excitability, which has increased to a degree now so remarkable. To the influences of a climate, intense in its extremes, this may be attributed in some degree, but the incessant elections which the Union involves, have greatly con

tributed to promote it. Even in this slow country, a general election awakens some excitement; but what would this reach amidst incessant elections, elections for both Houses of Parliament, and for two distinct Parliaments, elections of governors, of judges, of municipal and state officers, elections in the State, and in the adjoining States, and each fourth year a general ruler to elect? A system such as this, is calculated to quicken any people into excitability of temperament. It is a characteristic we meet with in Europe, more especially in France, as a peculiarity of individuals. We meet with persons, with whom, on the topics that arouse them, it is as vain to reason as to bay the moon. All know how the stability of French institutions has been affected, by the habit of masses of people acting on impulse.

This excitability, though stimulating to the nerves, as the breathing of oxygen, has a fatal effect on the judgment. It may be called a mental intoxication, exhilarating for the hour, accompanied by the same craving for repetition, and equally paralyzing the powers of reflection. When communities become affected by it, numbers heighten its intensity, and give to it the most dangerous political consequences.

This impulsive excitability, has become a marked characteristic of the politicians of New York. They seem to think that all things should be done right off-that reflection, decision, action, should be instantaneous. Man appears to be viewed as a