of announcement to the throne of his ancestors, was dead. He was assassinated in Cabul, soon after the departure of the British, and his body, stripped of its royal robes and its many jewels, was flung into a ditch."-J. McCarthy, History of our own times, v. 1, ch. II.

ALSO IN: J. W. Kaye, History of the war in Afghanistan.-G. R. Gleig, Sale's Brigade in Afghanistan.-Lady Sale, Journal of the disasters in Afghanistan-Mohan Lal, Life of Dost Mohammed, ch. 15-18 (v. 2).

1842-1869.-British return to Cabul.-Restoration of Dost Mahommed.-It was not till September that General Pollock "could obtain permission from the Governor-General, Lord Ellenborough, to advance against Cabul, though both he and Nott were burning to do so. When Pollock did advance, he found the enemy posted at Jugdulluck, the scene of the massacre. 'Here,' says one writer, 'the skeletons lay so thick that they had to be cleared away to allow the guns to pass. The savage grandeur of the scene rendered it a fitting place for the deed of blood which had been enacted under its horrid shade, never yet pierced in some places by sunlight. The road was strewn for two miles with mouldering skeletons like a charnel house.' Now the enemy found they had to deal with other men, under other leaders, for, putting their whole energy into the work, the British troops scaled the heights and steep ascents, and defeated the enemy in their strongholds on all sides. After one more severe fight with Akbar Khan, and all the force he could collect, the enemy were beaten, and driven from their mountains, and the force marched quietly into Cabul. Nott, on his side, started from Candahar on the 7th of August, and, after fighting several small battles with the enemy, he captured Ghuzni, where Palmer and his garrison had been destroyed. From Ghuzni General Nott brought away, by command of Lord Ellenborough, the gates of Somnauth [said to have been taken from the Hindu temple of Somnauth by Mahmoud of Ghazni, the first Mohammedan invader of India, in 1024], which formed the subject of the celebrated 'Proclamation of the Gates,' as it was called. . . . These celebrated gates, which are believed to be imitations of the original gates, are now lying neglected and worm-eaten, in the back part of a small museum at Agra. But to return, General Nott, having captured Ghuzni and defeated Sultan Jan, pushed on to Cabul, where he arrived on the 17th of September, and met Pollock. The English prisoners (amongst whom were Brigadier Shelton and Lady Sale), who had been captured at the time of the massacre, brought, or found their own way, to General Pollock's camp. General Elphinstone had died during his captivity. It was not now considered necessary to take any further steps; the bazaar in Cabul was destroyed, and on the 12th of October Pollock and Nott turned their faces southwards, and began their march into India by the Khyber route. The Afghans in captivity were sent back, and the Governor-General received the troops at Ferozepoor. Thus ended the Afghan war of 1838-42.

were

The war being over, we withdrew our forces into India, leaving the son of Shah Soojah, Fathi Jung, who had escaped from Cabul when his father was murdered, as king of the country, a position that he was unable to maintain long, being very shortly afterwards assassinated.

In

1842 Dost Mahomed, the ruler whom we had deposed, and who had been living at our expense in India, returned to Cabul and resumed his former position as king of the country, still bearing ill

will towards us, which he showed on several occasions, notably during the Sikh war, when he sent a body of his horsemen to fight for the Sikhs, and he himself marched an army through the Khyber to Peshawur to assist our enemies. However, the occupation of the Punjab forced upon Dost Mahomed the necessity of being on friendly terms with his powerful neighbour; he therefore concluded a friendly treaty with us in 1854, hoping thereby that our power would be used to prevent the intrigues of Persia against his kingdom. This hope was shortly after realized, for in 1856 we declared war against Persia, an event which was greatly to the advantage of Dost Mahomed, as it prevented Persian encroachments upon his territory. This war lasted but a short time, for early in 1857 an agreement was signed between England and Persia, by which the latter renounced all claims over Herat and Afghanistan. Herat, however, still remained independent of Afghanistan, until 1863, when Dost Mahomed attacked and took the town, thus uniting the whole kingdom, including Candahar and Afghan Turkestan, under his rule. This was almost the last act of the Ameer's life, for a few days after taking Herat he died. By his will he directed that Shere Ali, one of his sons, should succeed him as Ameer of Afghanistan. The new Ameer immediately wrote to the Governor-General of India, Lord Elgin, in a friendly tone, asking that his succession might be acknowledged. Lord Elgin, however, as the commencement of the Liberal policy of 'masterly inactivity' neglected to answer the letter, a neglect which cannot but be deeply regretted, as Shere Ali was at all events the de facto ruler of the country, and even had he been beaten by any other rival for the throne, it would have been time enough to acknowledge that rival as soon as he was really ruler of the country. When six months later a cold acknowledgement of the letter was given by Sir William Denison, and when a request that the Ameer made for 6,000 muskets had been refused by Lord Lawrence, the Ameer concluded that the disposition of England towards him was not that of a friend; particularly as, when later on, two of his brothers revolted against him, each of them was told by the Government that he would be acknowledged for that part of the country which he brought under his power. However, after various changes in fortune, in 1869 Shere Ali finally defeated his two brothers Afzool and Azim, together with Afzool's son, Abdurrahman."-P. F. Walker, Afghanistan, PP. 45-51.

ALSO IN: J. W. Kaye, History of the war in Afghanisian.-G. B. Malleson, History of Afghanistan, ch. II.

1869-1881.-Second war with the English and its causes. The period of disturbance in Afghanistan, during the struggle of Shere Ali with his brothers, coincided with the vice royalty of Lord Lawrence in India. The policy of Lord Lawrence, "sometimes slightingly spoken of as masterly inactivity, consisted in holding entirely aloof from the dynastic quarrels of the Afghans . . . and in attempting to cultivate the friendship of the Ameer by gifts of money and arms, while carefully avoiding topics of offence. . . . Lord Lawrence was himself unable to meet the Ameer, but his successor, Lord Mayo, had an interview with him at Umballah in 1869. . . . Lord Mayo adhered to the policy of his predecessor. He refused to enter into any close alliance, he refused to pledge himself to support any dynasty. But on the other hand he promised that he would not press for the admission of any English officers as Residents

in Afghanistan. The return expected by England for this attitude of friendly non-interference was that every other foreign state, and especially Russia, should be forbidden to mix either directly or indirectly with the affairs of the country in which our interests were so closely involved. . . . But a different view was held by another school of Indian politicians, and was supported by men of such eminence as Sir Bartle Frere and Sir Henry Rawlinson. Their view was known as the Sindh Policy as contrasted with that of the Punjab. It appeared to them desirable that English agents should be established at Quetta, Candahar, and Herat, if not at Cabul itself, to keep the Indian Government completely informed of the affairs of Afghanistan and to maintain English influence in the country. In 1874, upon the accession of the Conservative Ministry, Sir Bartle Frere produced a memorandum in which this policy was ably maintained. . . . A Viceroy whose views were more in accordance with those of the Government, and who was likely to be a more ready instrument in [its] hands, was found in Lord Lytton, who went to India intrusted with the duty of giving effect to the new policy. He was instructed

The al

to continue payments of money, to recognise the permanence of the existing dynasty, and to give a pledge of material support in case of unprovoked foreign aggression, but to insist on the acceptance of an English Resident at certain places in Afghanistan in exchange for these advantages. . . . Lord Lawrence and those who thought with him in England prophesied from the first the disastrous results which would arise from the alienation of the Afghans. . . . The suggestion of Lord Lytton that an English Commission should go to Cabul to discuss matters of common interest to the two Governments, was calculated.. to excite feelings already somewhat unfriendly to England. He [Shere Ali] rejected the mission, and formulated his grievances. . . . Lord Lytton waived for a time the despatch of the mission, and consented to a meeting between the Minister of the Ameer and Sir Lewis Pelly at Peshawur. . . . The English Commissioner was instructed to declare that the one indispensable condition of the Treaty was the admission of an English representative within the limits of Afghanistan. most piteous request on the part of the Afghans for the relaxation of this demand proved unavailing, and the sudden death of the Ameer's envoy formed a good excuse for breaking off the negotiation. Lord Lytton treated the Ameer as incorrigible, gave him to understand that the English would proceed to secure their frontier without further reference to him, and withdrew his native agent from Cabul. While the relations between the two countries were in this uncomfortable condition, information reached India that a Russian mission had been received at Cabul. It was just at this time that the action of the Home Government seemed to be tending rapidly towards a war with Russia. . . . As the despatch of a mission from Russia was contrary to the engagements of that country, and its reception under existing circumstances wore an unfriendly aspect, Lord Lytton saw his way with some plausible justification to demand the reception at Cabul of an English embassy. He notified his intention to the Ameer, but without waiting for an answer selected Sir Neville Chamberlain as his envoy, and sent him forward with an escort of more than 1,000 men, too large, as it was observed, for peace, too small for war. As a matter of course the mission was not admitted. An outcry was raised both in England and in India. . . . Troops were hastily

collected upon the Indian frontier; and a curious light was thrown on what had been done by the assertion of the Premier at the Guildhall banquet that the object in view was the formation of a 'scientific frontier;' in other words, throwing aside all former pretences, he declared that the policy of England was to make use of the opportunity offered for direct territorial aggression. . . . As had been foreseen by all parties from the first, the English armies were entirely successful in their first advance [November, 1878]. . . . By the close of December Jellalabad was in the hands of Browne, the Shutargardan Pass had been surmounted by Roberts, and in January Stewart established himself in Candahar. When the resistance of his army proved ineffectual, Shere Ali had taken to flight, only to die. His refractory son Yakoob Khan was drawn from his prison and assumed the reins of government as regent. Yakoob readily granted the English demands, consenting to place his foreign relations under British control, and to accept British agencies. With considerably more reluctance, he allowed what was required for the rectification of the frontier to pass into English hands. He received in exchange a promise of support by the British Government. and an annual subsidy of £60,000. On the conclusion of the treaty the troops in the Jellalabad Valley withdrew within the new frontier, and Yakoob Khan was left to establish his authority as best he could at Cabul, whither in July Cavagnari with an escort of twenty-six troopers and eighty infantry betook himself. Then was enacted again the sad story which preluded the first Afghan war. All the parts and scenes in the drama repeated themselves with curious uniformity-the English Resident with his little garrison trusting blindly to his capacity for influencing the Afghan mind, the puppet king, without the power to make himself respected, irritated by the constant presence of the Resident, the chiefs mutually distrustful and at one in nothing save their hatred of English interference, the people seething with anger against the infidel foreigner, a wild outbreak which the Ameer, even had he wished it, could not control, an attack upon the Residency and the complete destruction [Sept., 1879] after a gallant but futile resistance of the Resident and his entire escort. Fortunately the extreme disaster of the previous war was avoided. The English troops which were withdrawn from the country were still within reach. . . . About the 24th of September, three weeks after the outbreak, the Cabul field force under General Roberts was able to move. On the 5th of October it forced its way into the Logar Valley at Charassiab, and on the 12th General Roberts was able to make his formal entry into the city of Cabul. . . . The Ameer was deposed. martial law was established, the disarmament of the people required under pain of death, and the country scoured to bring in for punishment those chiefly implicated in the late outbreak. While thus engaged in carrying out his work of retribution. the wave of insurrection closed behind the English general, communication through the Kuram Valley was cut off, and he was left to pass the winter with an army of some 8,000 men connected with India only by the Kybur Pass. A new and formidable personage .. now made his appearance on the scene. This was Abdurahman, the nephew and rival of the late Shere Ali, who upon the defeat of his pretensions had sought refuge in Turkestan, and was supposed to be sup ported by the friendship of Russia. The expected attack did not take place, constant reinforcements had raised the Cabul army to 20,000, and ren

dered it too strong to be assailed. . . . It was thought desirable to break up Afghanistan into a northern and southern province. . . . The policy thus declared was carried out. A certain Shere Ali, a cousin of the late Ameer of the same name, was appointed Wali or Governor of Candahar. In the north signs were visible that the only possible successor to the throne of Cabul would be Abdurahman. . . . The Bengal army under General Stewart was to march northwards, and, suppressing on the way the Ghuznee insurgents, was to join the Cabul army in a sort of triumphant return to Peshawur. The first part of the programme was carried out. . . . The second part of the plan was fated to be interrupted by a serious disaster which rendered it for a while uncertain whether the withdrawal of the troops from Afghanistan was possible. . . . Ayoob had always expressed his disapproval of his brother's friendship for the English, and had constantly refused to accept their overtures. Though little was known about him, rumours were afloat that he intended to advance upon Ghuznee, and join the insurgents there. At length about the middle of June [1880] his army started. . . . But before the end of June Farah had been reached and it seemed plain that Candahar would be assaulted. . . . General Burrows found it necessary to fall back to a ridge some forty-five miles from Candahar called Kushy-Nakhud. There is a pass called Maiwand to the north of the highroad to Candahar, by which an army avoiding the position on the ridge might advance upon the city. On the 27th of July the Afghan troops were seen moving in the direction of this pass. In his attempt to stop them with his small force, numbering about 2,500 men, General Burrows was disastrously defeated. With difficulty and with the loss of seven guns, about half the English troops returned to Candahar. General Primrose, who was in command, had no choice but to strengthen the place, submit to an investment, and wait till he should be rescued. ... The troops at Cabul were on the point of withdrawing when the news of the disaster reached them." General Roberts at once pushed forward to the beleaguered city, and dispersed the army of the Amir. Candahar was then held by the British until the fall of 1881, when they withdrew, Abdurahman having apparently established himself in power, and the country being in a quieted state.-J. F. Bright, History of England, period 4, PP. 534-544.

ALSO IN: Lord Roberts' Forty-one years in

India.

1893-1895.-Relinquishment of claims over Swat, Bajour and Chitral. See INDIA: 1895 (March-September).

1895.-Anglo-Russian agreement.-Determination of the northern frontier.-The joint AngloRussian commission for fixing the northern frontier of Afghanistan, from Zulfikar on the HeriRud to the Pamirs, finished its work in July, 1895. This was consequent upon an agreement between the governments of Great Britain and Russia which had been reduced to writing on the previous 11th of March. In part, that agreement was as follows: "Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia engage to abstain from exercising any political influence or control, the former to the north, the latter to the south, of the above line of demarcation. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engage that the territory lying within the British sphere of influence between the Hindu Kush and the line running from the east end of Lake Victoria to the Chinese frontier shall

form part of the territory of the Ameer of Afghanistan, that it shall not be annexed to Great Britain, and that no military posts or forts shall be established in it. The execution of this Agreement is contingent upon the evacuation by the Ameer of Afghanistan of all the territories now occupied by His Highness on the right bank of the Panjah, and on the evacuation by the Ameer of Bokhara of the portion of Darwaz which lies to the south of the Oxus, in regard to which Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia have agreed to use their influence respectively with the two Ameers."-Great Britain, Papers by command: Treaty series, no. 8, 1895.-See also INDIA: 1895 (March-September).

1896.-Conquest of Kafiristan.-By the agreement of 1893, between the Amir of Afghanistan and the government of India, the mountain district of Kafiristan was conceded to the former, and he presently set to work to subjugate its warlike people, who had never acknowledged his yoke. By the end of 1896 the conquest of these Asiatic Kafirs was believed to be complete.

1901-1906.-Death of Abdurahman.-Succession of his son, Habibullah.-Signs of a progressive spirit in the new Amir.-The late Amir, Abdurahman, died in October, 1901, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Habibullah. Early in the third year of his reign the new Amir began to show signs of a wish to have his country move a little on the lines of European progress, in the march which so many of his Asiatic neighbors were joining. His undertakings were disturbed for a time by trouble with his half-brother, Omar Jan, and with the latter's mother, the Bibi Halima or Queen of the Harem; but he brought the trouble to an end which does not seem to have been tragical, and that, in itself, is a notable mark in his favor. The Russo-Japanese War interested him immensely, and he established a daily post between Khyber and Cabul to bring speedy news of events. He then read the reports in public, with expositions, to make the listening people understand the bearing of what was happening on their own interests, and the lessons they should learn from what the Japanese were doing. He is said to have done much in the way of improving agriculture and horse-breeding in Afghanistan; he had a desire to establish a Chiefs' college, with the English language as the basis of instruction, but he met with strong opposition in this undertaking; and he introduced electric lighting, with probably other luxuries of modern science, in Kabul. Such things in Afghanistan mark a highly progressive man. His political intelligence was proved by the cordiality of his relations with the British Indian Government. An interesting account of conditions in the Amir's country in 1904 was given by D. C. Boulger, in the Fortnightly Review of December, that year, under the title of "The Awakening of Afghanistan."

1905. The Amir becomes king. In a new treaty between the Government of Great Britain and the Amir of Afghanistan, the latter was recognized as king.

1907.-Convention between Great Britain and Russia relative to Afghanistan. See ANGLO-RUSSIAN AGREEMENT OF 1907.

1907.-Effect of Russian and British agreement on Afghan trade.-"Russian goods enter Afghanistan chiefly through Herat, near to Kushkinski Post in Russian Turkestan, the terminus of the Nurghab Valley Railway, which connects with the Trans-Siberian Railway into European Russia. The treaty signed between Russia and Great

Britain in 1907 concerning Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet, states that the British Government engages to exercise its influence in Afghanistan only in a pacific sense, and will not encourage Afghanistan to take any measures threatening Russia, while the Russian Government on its part recognizes that Afghanistan is outside the sphere of Russian influence, and that all political relations with this country shall be conducted through the intermediary of His Britannic Majesty's Government. Further, it engages not to send any agents into Afghanistan, though Russian and Afghan authorities may establish direct relations for the settlement of local questions of a non-political character. The British Government engages not to interfere in the internal administration of the country, provided that the Ameer fulfills the treaty engagements already contracted by him toward the British Government. Both countries affirmed their adherence to the principle of equality of commercial opportunity in Afghanistan. For whatever diplomatic intercourse is required between Afghanistan and British India the Indian Government has political agents at Kabul and Kandahar, who, in accordance with treaty regulations, must always be Mohammedans, while the Afghan Government, on its part, maintains an agent at the capital of India. Interesting evidence as to the awakening of the closed country of Afghanistan to modern progressive ideals of civilization is to be found in important construction works now being carried out under circumstances of great difficulty, especially those connected with costly and difficult transport of needed machinery and other material. The most interesting development of this sort is a project now under way for transmitting 44,000 volts of electrical energy from a waterfall about 120 feet high to Kabul, the capital, situated about 40 miles away. . . . This hydroelectric scheme will cost between $500,000 and $600,000 when completed, about $300,000 being for machinery and materials. The water power will be used for distributing cheap electrical energy to the gun factory, shoe factory, projected woolen mill, and other industries at Kabul, under control of the Government of the Ameer; also for electric lighting of the royal palace, other residefices, Government offices and street lighting. The machinery and material, including switches, generators, steel towers, and copper-covered steel wires, are being imported chiefly from the United States. The development should particularly benefit the industries of Kabul, which have been handicapped by the excessive cost of fuel. There are no coal mines in the country, and wood is scarce; for factories at Kabul wood has to be carried many miles on backs of camels. . . . The difficulty of transporting the machinery and ironwork through Khyber Pass and over almost impassable roads to Kabul is delaying the project, which may require several years to complete. The attempt to use motor lorries imported for this purpose failed, owing to the bad condition of the road to Kabul, and it is only by use of elephants that the heavy and bulky articles required can reach Kabul."-H. D. Baker, British India, pp. 543544.

1915-1916.-Maintenance of neutrality during the war. "The Amir of Afghanistan maintained his neutrality in the great war, and the principality did not become involved in the troubles of Persia. At the end of 1916 information was published concerning a German mission sent to Afghanistan in the previous year. It appears that the Emperor William had sent a German officer, Lieutenant von Hentig, accompanied by certain

Indian revolutionaries who had resided in Berlin, on a mission to the Amir, with the object of inducing him to attack India. The members of the mission had succeeded in making their way through Persia, by breaking up into small parties, and they had remained in Afghanistan nearly a year. Nevertheless, the Amir had refused the Turko-German proposals, and after the mission left Afghanistan in May, 1916, some of the members were captured by the Russians and British as they were trying to get back to Turkey.

"On November 29 an interesting statement was made by Mr. Chamberlain on the failure of a German mission to Afghanistan. The mission, he said, consisted of two Indian anarchists, a party of German officers and some Turks. The principal German Officer was the bearer of a letter from the German Chancellor to the Amir, in which the latter was invited to advise how best India might be liberated from British tyranny. The party were arrested on their arrival in Afghanistan and eventually conducted to Kabul where the Amir and his people quickly appraised them at their true value. At the outbreak of the war the Amir had given the Viceroy the most solemn assurances of his intention to preserve neutrality, and Mr. Chamberlain acknowledged with great satisfaction the loyalty he had shown to his pledged word."-Annual Register, 1916, pp.

299, 192.

1919.-Assassination of the Amir.-Accession of his son.-Attack on India.-On February 20. 1919, Habibullah Khan, Amir of Afghanistan, otherwise known as Siraj-ul-Millat-Wad-din, was assassinated in his camp in the Jelallabad district. As soon as this became known, Nasrullah Khan, brother of Habibullah, had himself proclaimed Amir, after forcing the submission of the late monarch's two older sons. His reign was exceedingly brief, however, for Amanullah Khan (born 1892), third son of Habibullah, who had managed to get control of the treasury and of the military supplies immediately after his father's assassination, won over to his cause the nobles and the soldiers, and thus simply secured the throne for himself. For complicity in the death of Habibullah, Nasrullah was condemned to life imprisonment, the actual murderer, Colonel Shah Ali Raza being put to death, while a third person said to be implicated shared the fate of Nasrullah. The new amir found his position very insecure and sought to gain popularity at home by embarking on a war of aggression upon India. Hostilities broke out early in May and ended with a treaty of peace signed at Rawalpindi on August 8. By this war all former treaties between Afghanistan and Great Britain were cancelled and the subsidy paid to former amirs was declared forfeited, but the internal and external independence of Afghanistan was formally recognized by Great Britain.

1920 (April-July).-Discussions were held at Mussoorie, India, between British and Afghan delegates with a view to a permanent treaty of friendship.

1921.-Alliance with Russia.-Shortly after the accession of Amanullah an Afghan mission was sent to Moscow to establish relations with Soviet Russia. The negotiations developed into a treaty of Alliance concluded Feb. 28, 1921. A few days later a solemn reception was held at the Afghan embassy in Moscow to celebrate the anniversary of Afghan independence. Two representatives of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs were present, also a delegation of the Turkish National

Assembly and members of the regular Turkish Delegation, representatives of the Persian embassy, the Khiva and Bokhara missions, and representatives of Esthonia, Latvia, Finland, etc. AFRANIUS, Lucius, Roman general. Lived

about the period of the third Mithridatic War (74-61 B. C.). Consul in 60 B. C.; governor of Cisalpine Gaul in 59 B. C. Assisted Pompey against Cæsar, sustaining a severe defeat at Ilerda (49 B. C.).

The name Africa was originally applied by the Romans to part of the southern shore of the Mediterranean in the vicinity of Carthage, but later extended to include the entire continental mass extending southwest from Eurasia; the second largest of the world's great land divisions, by far the greater part of which lies within the tropics. See LIBYANS.

GEOGRAPHIC DESCRIPTION

General features.-"The comparative uniformity of the Continent of Africa, and the fact of its having been so repellent to the intervention of white races reared in temperate latitudes, can to a large extent be accounted for by comparing the lie of Africa with that of the other continents. It lies almost evenly balanced on each side of the equator, between about 40° north and 40° south. The equinoctial line which passes through its centre does not touch the Euro-Asiatic continent.

While the climate of the southern shores of Europe is very similar to that of the Mediterranean coast of Africa, and while the southern peninsulas of Asia are purely tropical, every variety of climate is found between that and the icebound shores of Siberia. In the other hemisphere, while the feet of the North American continent are laved by the warm waters of the Gulf Stream, its head is almost within hail of the North Pole. ... Africa, then, is the tropical continent par excellence. Of its total area some two-thirds, almost 8,000,000 square miles, lie between the tropics, and have the sun vertical twice a year, while the rest of the Continent is more or less subtropical; so that, so far as climate goes, the popular conception is not far wrong. Even of America only about one-third of the land is within the tropics.... But there are other geographical factors to be taken into account, which modify the general effects of latitude, partly mitigating, partly intensifying them. We have seen how Africa lies compared with the situation of other continents. What about its relation to the great water-mass of the globe? We find its southern shores looking out upon the Antarctic, a long way off; from its western shores the broad Atlantic bears away without obstruction, and nothing intervenes between its eastern coast and the genial influence of the Indian Ocean. The northern and north-eastern coasts of the Continent are much less fortunately situated, only the narrow waters of the Mediterranean and the Red Sea separate Africa from the vast land-mass of Europe and Asia.”J. S. Keltie, Partition of Africa, p. 460.

Coastline. "Though Africa is more than three times the size of Europe, and although it is practically an island while Europe has an extensive land frontier, the coast-line of Africa measures only about 15,000 miles in length, while that of Europe is 19,000 miles. A glance at a map of the world will show how this marked difference arises. There is not a single indentation on the coast of Africa worthy of the name; the coast-line all round looks like a barrier to keep back the beneficent advances of the ocean. . . . There is noth

ing in the whole round of the African coast to compare on the one hand with the great sea-arms and magnificent natural harbours that mark the west coast of Europe, nor with the richly broken Atlantic coast of North America on the other. There is only one estuary of real magnitude on the whole continent, that of the Congo; hence partly the great hopes entertained of the future of that river. Such second-rate harbours as those of Delagoa Bay and Mombasa are reckoned valuable possessions in Africa, for which nations struggle. This monotonous outline of the African coast acts disadvantageously in two ways from the point of view of European enterprise. In the first place, the lack of deep oceanic indentations deprives the great bulk of the Continent of the beneficent influences which contiguity to the sea brings with it; and in the second place, it deprives the enterprising navigator and trader of ready highways to the interior. Thus the mere character of the contour of the coast has contributed to retard the development of the Continent. At the same time, let us recall the fact that the spread of railways over the Continent would tend greatly to counteract the commercial disadvantages arising from the lack of deep arms of the sea, navigable rivers, and natural harbours. Railways are the great levellers, shattering old geographical traditions, and tending to place all continents on an equal footing, so far as communications are concerned."-Ibid., pp. 463-464.

Mountains and plateaus.-"Passing from the contour of the coast-line to the configuration of the surface of the Continent, we find here again certain characteristics which distinguish Africa from all the other continents, except perhaps Australia, which might have been as far behind in civilisation as Africa had its latitude been different. The surface of Africa is nearly as monotonous as its outline. There is only one mountain range worthy of the name, that of the Atlas, which extends along the northern rim of the Continent from Tunis to the Atlantic coast of Morocco. . . . But when all is put together the really mountainous regions of Africa amount to little compared with the great size of the Continent. We have nothing in Africa that can compare in comparative mass and extent with the Alps, the Pyrenees, the Apennines, the Carpathians, the Scandinavian ranges, in Europe, not to mention the Himalayas, the stupendous ranges of Central Asia. . . . This lack of great mountain ranges upon the African Continent must be regarded as another serious drawback to its economical development, since it markedly affects its rainfall and the distribution of its water supply. . . . In a general way the composition of the soil of Africa is favourable enough to the varied requirements of humanity; its great want is water.

"It is a striking fact that, notwithstanding the paucity of great mountain ranges in Africa as compared with Europe and Asia, the general mean elevation of the former is greater than in either of the latter. . . . This reveals to us the great characteristic feature of the surface of Africa, that of a high plateau, descending almost everywhere