For the northwestern frontiers-Dr. Charles H. Haskins, Harvard University.

For Poland and Russia-Dr. R. H. Lord, Harvard University.

For Austria-Hungary-Dr. Charles Seymour, Yale University.

For Italian boundaries-Dr. W. E. Lunt, Haverford College.

For the Balkans-Dr. Clive Day, Yale University.

For Western Asia-Dr. W. L. Westermann, University of Wisconsin.

For the Far East-Capt. S. K. Hornbeck, U. S. A.

For Colonial Problems-Mr. George L. Beer, formerly of Columbia University.

"Economic Specialist, Dr. A. A. Young, Cornell University

"Librarian and Specialist in History, Dr. James T. Shotwell, Columbia University.

"Specialist in Boundary Geography, Maj. Douglas Johnson, Columbia University.

"Chief Cartographer, Prof. Mark Jefferson, State Normal College, Ypsilanti, Michigan.

"Besides The Inquiry proper, and affiliated with

they would have on the spirits of the allied peoples, and the first division under Pershing was dispatched. At the same time steps were taken to raise a great army."-J. S. Bassett, Our war with Germany, pp. 189-190.-General Pershing reached Paris on June 13, 1917, and the first contingent of American troops arrived at the port of St. Nazaire, France, on June 25, 1917. "The first American artillery in France undertook a schedule of studies in an old French artillery post located near the Swiss frontier. This place is called Valdahon, and for scores of years had been one of the training places for French artillery. But during the third and fourth years of the war, nearly all of the French artillery being on the front, all subsequent drafts of French artillery received their training under actual war conditions. . . . It was after midnight that our men reached the front line. It was the morning of October 23, 1917, that American infantrymen and Bavarian regiments of Landwehr and Landsturm faced one another for the first time in front line position on the European front. . . . The first shot was fired at 6:5:10 [5 minutes and 10 seconds after 6 o'clock] A. M., October 23, 1917. The missle fired was a 75-mil

although distinct from it, were the experts in international law, Mr. David Hunter Miller and Major James Brown Scott. This body of men proceeded to Paris at the opening of December, 1918, except Mr. Miller, who had gone in October. In Paris they assisted the commissioners plenipotentiary with data and recommendations, and themselves served on commissions dealing with three types of problems: First, territorial; second, economic questions and reparation; third, international law and the League of Nations. . . . As it turned out, the staff of The Inquiry were concerned in Paris, as members of commissions, with delicate questions of policy, and it may be noted that the decisions which they had a part in negotiating were only in the rarest instances modified by the supreme council."-E. M. House and C. Seymour, What really happened in Paris, pp. 6-8.

AMERICAN DRAMA. See AMERICAN LITERATURE: 1750-1861.

AMERICAN EMBARGO CONFERENCE. See U. S. A.: 1914-1917.

AMERICAN EXPEDITIONARY FORCES. -"Interviews with members of the French and British missions that arrived in Washington in April [1917] convinced the president that we ought to send troops [to Europe] for the effect

limetre or 3-inch high-explosive shell. The target was a German battery of 150-millimetre or 6-inch guns located two kilometres back of the German first line trenches, and one kilometre in back of the boundary line between France and GermanLorraine. The position of that enemy battery on the map was in a field 100 metres west of the town which the French still call Xaurey, but which the Germans have called Scheuris since they took it from France in 1870. Near that spot. . . fell the first American shell fired in the Great War... ... The first executive work of the American Expeditionary Forces overseas was performed in a second floor suite of the Crillon Hotel in the Place de la Concorde in Paris. This suite was the first temporary headquarters of the American commander."-F. Gibbons, And they thought we wouldn't fight, p. 96.-"The American Expeditionary Force. . . was composed of forty-two divisions, twenty-nine of which were combat units. In the last week of October, 1918, when these twenty-nine were in action, they held 101 miles of front, or twenty-three per cent. of the Allied line. They advanced in battle 485 miles, and captured 63,079 prisoners and 1,378 guns. The part taken by the American Expeditionary Force in the fighting on the Western Front [may be

summarized as follows:] . . . The First Division captured Cantigny, in the Amiens sector, on May 28th. The Second Division, with elements of the Third and Twenty-eighth, helped to stop the German advance in the neighbourhood of ChâteauThierry. The Second Division (June 5th-11th) took Bouresches, Torcy, and Belleau Wood-a brilliant operation. Eighty-five thousand American troops coöperated in the repulse of Ludendorff's Fifth Offensive-the Forty-second Division fighting with Gouraud, in Champagne, east of Rheims, and the Third and Twenty-eighth fighting with de Mitry south of the Marne. Eight divisions the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Twentysixth, Twenty-eighth, Thirty-second, and Fortysecond were employed in Foch's attack against the Aisne-Marne salient, beginning July 18th. Elements of the Thirty-third Division took part in Haig's offensive against the Montdidier salient, beginning August 8th. They helped the Australians to storm Chipilly Ridge, on the north side of the Somme. The Twenty-seventh and Thirtieth divisions were used in conjunction with the Australians to break the Hindenburg Line about Le Catelet and in the subsequent advance toward Maubeuge. The Twenty-eighth, Thirty-second, and Seventy-seventh divisions participated in the first stages of General Mangin's Oise-Aisne offensive, beginning August 18th. The Twenty-seventh and Thirtieth divisions, before storming the Hindenburg Line, had helped to recapture Mount Kemmel. On October 31st two other American divisions the Thirty-seventh and Ninety-first-were sent to Flanders from the Meuse. They took part in the last stages of the Ypres-Lys offensive, reaching the line of the Scheldt."-W. L. McPherson, Short history of the great war, pp. 385-386.With the termination of hostilities (November 11, 1918), the American Expeditionary Forces took over the administration of the city of Coblenz. Out of a total mobilization of 4,272,521 fighting men, of which more than half comprised the A. E. F., the greater part of the remaining force awaiting orders to join the A. E. F., the total casualties were 274,659. This figure included the 67,813 dead, the 192,483 wounded and the 14,363 prisoners or missing.-See also TRENCH WARFARE: Defensive weapons; WORLD WAR: 1917: VIII. United States and the war: j.

ALSO IN: W. R. Skillman, A. E. F.: Who they were! what they did! how they did it!-B. Crowell and R. F. Wilson, How America went to war. AMERICAN FABIUS, a sobriquet bestowed upon George Washington for his tactics against the British forces. Like the old Roman Dictator, Fabius Cunctator (Delayer), he harassed the enemy, but avoided open battle. This policy was unpopular and nearly led to Washington's removal.See also U. S. A.: 1783 (November-December).

constituency, but were less in number themselves than the delegates of the other societies. But, by the exercise of tact and diplomacy, the trades union men, who were at that time also members of the Knights of Labor, successfully opposed the project of adding another new organization to the list of societies already in existence, and, for the time being, the friends of the proposed secret organization were defeated. A call was published, however, for subsequent convention, to be held in Pittsburgh on November 15, 1881, and this gathering proved to be the most important of its kind that had thus far been held. . . . There were 107 delegates present at the Pittsburgh convention, representing 262,000 workingmen. A permanent organization was formed and named the Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions of the United States and Canada. A legislative committee, now known as the Executive Council, was appointed. . . . Knights of Labor assemblies and trades unions were equally represented, and it was thoroughly understood that the trade unionists should preserve their form of organization and the Knights of Labor should maintain theirs, and that the two should work hand in hand for the thorough amalgamation of the working people under one of these two heads. . . . [The convention of 1883] favored arbitration instead of strikes. The eighthour rule was insisted upon and laws were demanded to limit the dividends of corporations and to introduce governmental telegraph systems. . The 1885 convention in Washington was principally directed to strengthening the national organization and preparing for the eight-hour movement. . . . The 1886 convention was originally called to meet in St. Louis in the latter part of the year, but the stirring events incident to the eight-hour strikes and the difficulties existing with the Knights of Labor led to the memorable conference of the officers of the trades unions on May 18, when defensive measures were outlined to protect the trades unions and to secure harmony with the Knights of Labor. A committee attended the special session of the Knights' General Assembly, at Cleveland, on May 26, and, after several days' waiting, marked by long and animated discussions

no definite assurances were obtained, and no action was taken. The trades union committee a second time met the Knights of Labor Executive Board on September 26, and secured promises that definite action would be taken at the Richmond General Assembly, which would lead to harmony between the two organizations. The trade unions objected to the admission to the Knights of Labor of members who had been suspended, expelled, or rejected for cause by their own organization; they opposed the formation of Knights of Labor assemblies in trades already thoroughly organized into trades unions, and complained of the use of Knights of Labor trade-marks or labels, in competition with their own labels, notably so in the case of the Cigar Makers' International Union. At the Richmond General Assembly, the trade union chiefs presented a mass of grievances, showing where their local unions had been tampered with by Knights of Labor organizations, where movements had been made to disrupt them, and where, in cases where such disruption could not be effected, antagonistic organizations were formed by the Knights. The General Assembly, however, instead of removing these alleged evils or giving satisfactory redress to the trade union element, administered to the Federation a slap in the face, as the latter understood it, by passing a resolution compelling the members of Cigar Makers' International Union connected with the Knights of Labor

AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR: 1881-1886.-Organization.-Early relations with Knights of Labor.-"A call was issued conjointly by the 'Knights of Industry' and a society known as the 'Amalgamated Labor Union'-an offshoot of the Knights of Labor, composed of disaffected members of that order-for a convention to meet in Terre Haute, Ind., on August 2, 1881. . . . The Terre Haute convention had for its object the establishment of a new secret order to supplant the Knights of Labor, although on the face of the call, its object was stated to be to establish a national labor congress. There was a large representation of delegates present from St. Louis, Cleveland, Chicago, and other western cities, but the only eastern city represented was Pittsburgh. The trade union delegates represented the largest

to withdraw from the order. The call for the St. Louis convention of the Federation was then abrogated, and a circular was issued designating Columbus, Ohio, as the place of meeting on December 8. At the same time all organizations not already affiliated with the Federation, were urged to attend a trade union convention to be held in the same place on the following day. After four days' joint sessions of the bodies, the old Federation of trade and labor unions was dissolved, and the American Federation of Labor . . . was born. ... Twenty-five national organizations were blended in it, with an aggregate membership of 316,469 workingmen. A plan of permanent organization was adopted . . . and an executive council of five members and chief officers were elected. Resolutions were passed favoring the early adoption of the eight-hour rule, demanding of Congress the passage of a compulsory indenture law, and condemning the Pinkertons' Protective Patrol, and the Coal and Iron Police. After much deliberation, a constitution was agreed upon, in which the main objects of the great organization were stated to be 'the encouragement of formation of local unions, and the closer federation of such societies, through central trade and labor unions in every city, with the further combination of these bodies into state, territorial, and provincial organizations, to secure legislation in the interests of the working masses; the establishment of national and international trade unions, based upon a strict recognition of the autonomy of each trade, and the promotion and advancement of such bodies; and the aiding and encouragement of the labor press of America.'"-American Federation of Labor, History, encyclopedia, reference book, pp. 40-45. See also LABOR ORGANIZATION: 1825-1875; LABOR STRIKES AND BOYCOTTS: 1880-1900.

1881-1916.-Use of boycotts. See LABOR STRIKES AND BOYCOTTS: 1881-1916.

1884-1917.-Federation's eight-hour agitation. -While the federation's activities have covered a wide range of subjects, its agitation for an eighthour day may be taken as typical. "The preliminary steps for a universal demand for eight hours were taken in the 1884 convention, and May 1, 1886, was selected as the date for its inauguration. Each local union was asked to vote on the question, those favoring it to be bound by the strike order, and those voting in opposition to pledge themselves to sustain the other pioneers in the movement. Arrangements were made for conferences with employers who were willing to talk over the change in hours. Among the trades that voted to make the campaign were the Cigarmakers, Furniture Workers, German Printers and Carpenters. The Cigarmakers and German Printers succeeded and the Furniture Workers compromised on nine hours. The Carpenters established eight hours in seven cities and compromised on nine in eighty-four. . . . May 1, 1890, was selected for another general strike for the eight-hour day. A remarkable campaign followed which spread to Europe. . . . The Carpenters were selected to make the struggle. It was successful in 137 cities, benefitting 47,197 workmen. . . . In 1900 the agitation for the eight-hour day was still going on. It was then decided to secure the shorter work-day for at least one trade each year. . . . In 1905 the International Typographical Union began a general strike for eight hours, and it was successful. . . . [At] this time [1905] twenty-six trades were enjoying the eight-hour day in whole or part. ... While maintaining that the eight-hour day for workers in private employment should be secured through trade union activity, the A. F. of L. per

sistently demanded the shorter work-day for government employes. Such a law was enacted in 1886 [1868?], but never enforced. After the A. F. of L. was organized, it began an agitation for the enforcement of the act. This met with more or less success, but was wholly dependent on the viewpoint of the federal official having the power to order it obeyed. In 1892 Congress enacted an eight-hour law which went further than the 1863 act. The new measure extended the shorter workday to employes of contractors for government work But the same opposition was met to its being enforced. It also was soon found that this law did not cover all the workers for which it was intended, as federal officials decided it did not apply to subcontractors. Then another campaign was begun to extend the law. Finally, in 1912 an act was secured that covered contractors and sub contractors. . . . When war came in 1917 the principle of the maximum work-day had been indorsed by society and the United States Government Owing to the emergencies created by the War, it was found that it would be impossible for the United States to supply our soldiers with munitions by working only eight hours. Congress then empowered the President to suspend the law when necessary, but provided that all overtime should be paid for at the rate of time and a half This maintained the eight-hour principle while meeting an emergency."-Ibid., pp. 10-12.

1892-1900.-Usurpation of power of Knights of Labor.-Fight against them; Alliance with trade unions. See LABOR STRIKES AND BOYCOTTS 1880-1900.

1906.-Trouble over Buck stove and range boycott. See BOYCOTT: Recent judicial decisions 1910.-Admission of Negroes. See RACE PROBLEMS: 1909-1921.

1911.-Union with W. F. M. See INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD: Recent tendencies.

1917-1919.-Federation of Labor and the World War.-American Alliance for Labor and Democracy.-War labor boards.-Support of striking miners.-"Not only through their local, state, national and international unions and their federated organization-the American Federation of Labor-did the organized workers of the United States support the government but they called into existence [in the summer of 1917] a separate organization in order to make their influence ever more widely felt, particularly among the unor ganized workers. This new organization was the American Alliance for Labor and Democracy. . The week of Lincoln's Birthday [1918] was ob served as Loyalty Week by organized labor in order 'the more thoroughly and effectively to demonstrate our solidarity and our unity in behal of cur Republic.' All local branches of the Alliance, in coöperation with the local bodies of organized labor, held mass meetings and demonstrations and distributed patriotic literature amon! their fellow workers and citizens setting forth America's aims and ideals with the view of com bating the insidious forces of pro-German and anti-American propaganda."-F. J. Warne, Workers at war, pp. 38-40.-"The importance of labor as one of the dominant factors in the prosecution of the war was recognized by the selection of Samuel Gompers, President of the American Fed eration of Labor, as one of the six members of the Advisory Commission of the Council [of Nationa Defense]. In the apportionment of work among the members of the Commission the field of labor naturally fell to him. . . . As the war progressed one agency after another had to be created by the Government for the handling of labor matters, and

as they got into working order, the work of the Committee on Labor of the Council of National Detense became, relatively at least, less important. At the outset, however, the whole work of determining fundamental policies and of taking action to secure their adoption fell upon this body. The Committee was formally constituted on February 13, 1917. The first step taken by Mr. Gompers was to secure a general agreement on the part of organized labor as to the attitude it would take towards the war and the problems engendered by it. In his capacity as President of the American Federation of Labor he first called a preliminary conference of representatives of organized labor on February 28, and a meeting of the Executive Committee of the Federation on March 9. This was followed by a general conference in Washington on March 9, 1917, of the executive officers of all the leading labor organizations of the United States. At this meeting, which was a very important gathering attended by more than 150 persons, there was adopted a formal declaration of principles setting forth the attitude of union labor towards the war. In this declaration organized labor pledged its unqualified support of the war and made known its demands. Among them were the demands that Government should take energetic steps to curb profiteering, and that labor should have adequate representation in all bodies created by the Government for the handling of industrial matters. This meeting of labor was followed by a general conference of representatives of labor, employers' organizations, and others prominent in the field of social reform at Washington on April 2, 1917, called by Mr. Gompers as Chairman of the Committee on Labor of the Council of National Defense. The persons invited to participate in this conference, numbering from 180 to 200 persons, effected a permanent organization as the full Committee on Labor of the Council of National Defense. It thereupon organized itself into numerous subcommittees to deal with specific phases of the labor problem and provided for the creation of an Executive Committee of II members who should act for the whole Committee. This Executive Committee on April 6, 1917, adopted a formal resolution, the most important provision of which was a recommendation that the Council of National Defense should issue a statement to employers and employees in all industrial establishments and transportation systems, advising that 'neither employers nor ployees shall endeavor to take advantage of the country's necessities to change existing standards.'" -W. F. Willoughby, Government organization in war time and after, pp. 207-210.-"For the purpose of formulating a national labor policy and for devising and providing a method of labor adjustment which would be acceptable to employers and employes at least for the war emergency period, the Wilson administration created on January 28, 1918, the War Labor Conference Board consisting of five representatives of employers, five representatives of employes, and two of the general public. . . . The five representatives of the employes were officials of national and international labor unions whose members were almost entirely engaged in war production. The members of the board were appointed by the Secretary of Labor upon nomination by the president of the National Industrial Conference Board, an organization of employers, and the president of the American Federation of Labor, the latter representing all the more important labor unions of the country with the exception of the four railway brotherhoods whose members were engaged in

em

the operation of trains. Each of the two groups thus selected chose one of the two representatives of the public. This board presented a formulation of industrial principles which represented the Administration's labor policy and which were to govern the relations between workers and employers in war industries for the duration of the war. These principles are [in part] as follows: There should be no strikes or lockouts during the war. The right of workers to organize in trade unions and to bargain collectively through chosen representatives is recognized and affirmed. [The analogous right of the employers was also recognized and affirmed.] . . . Employers should not discharge workers for membership in trade unions, nor for legitimate trade union activities. The workers, in the exercise of their right to organize, shall not use coercive measures of any kind to induce persons to join their organizations, nor to induce employers to bargain or deal therewith. In establishments where the union shop exists the same shall continue and the union standards as to wages, hours of labor, and other conditions of employment shall be maintained. . . . Established safeguards and regulations for the protection of the health and safety of workers shall not be relaxed. If it shall become necessary to employ women on work ordinarily performed by men, they must be allowed equal pay for equal work and must not be allotted tasks disproportionate to their strength. The basic eight hour day is recognized as applying in all cases in which existing law requires it. . . . The right of all workers, including common laborers, to a living wage is hereby declared."-F. J. Warne, Workers at war, pp. 84-87.-"Among the most important of these [agencies to control labor relations] is the National War Labor Board recommended by the War Labor Conference Board in its report of March 29 and created by Presidential Proclamation April 8, 1918. This board had jurisdiction over all matters of labor controversies between employers and employes in all fields of industrial or other activity affecting war production where there did not already exist by agreement or federal law a means of settlement. Even where such agencies were provided, jurisdiction was with the War Labor Board in case these agencies failed to secure adjustment. . . . The War Labor Board consisted of the same members selected in the same manner and by the same agencies as the War Labor Conference Board."—Ibid., pp. 131-132.—“On November 9 [1919] a specially called meeting of the executive council of the American Federation of Labor, representing 114 national and international unions and an individual membership of more than four million workers engaged in all the occupations throughout the country, took up consideration in a most serious attitude of mind the coal miners' strike and the action of the Government in relation to it. . . . The attitude of organized labor as represented by this supreme advisory authority of the labor unions was expressed in an 'appeal to the public' containing among other things the following: . . . By all the facts in the case the miners' strike is justified. We indorse it. We are convinced of the justice of the miners' cause. We pledge the miners the full support of the American Federation of Labor and appeal to the workers and the citizenship of our country to give like endorsement and aid to the men engaged in this momentous struggle."-Ibid., pp. 172-173.See also LABOR PARTIES: 1868-1919.

1919. Thirty-ninth Annual Convention.-"The 39th annual convention of the American Federation of Labor was held in Atlantic City, N. J., from

June 7 to June 24, 1919. . . Almost all official recommendations were upheld by an overwhelming vote, the only evidence of any dissenting opinion being the nature of some of the 211 resolutions introduced but always defeated when of a radical nature... The conflict for industrial democracy is just beginning,' declared Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, in his opening address to the convention. . . . Previous to Gompers' address, which was the key-note speech of the convention and sounded the new international relationship of, labor through the League of Nations, a cablegram was read from President Wilson, lauding Gompers for having established in international circles as well as at home, the reputation of the American Federation of Labor for sane and helpful counsel.' . . . The afternoon of the first day was consumed with the reading of the report of the American Federation of Labor Delegation to the Peace Conference by James Duncan, first vice-president. . . . Miss Margaret Bonfield, fraternal delegate from the British Trades Union Congress, addressed the convention bringing the greetings of the organized wage earners of Great Britain. . . . One of the most noteworthy [speeches was] an address by Glenn E. Plumb, counsel of the four railroad brotherhoods, advocating the railroad workers' plan for government ownership and democratic control of the railroads. The executive council of the Federation was later instructed to take necessary steps toward realizing this project. . . . The one successful attack on the administration was the overturn of the committee on resolutions' recommendation 'that the principle of self-determination of small nations applies to Ireland' for the stronger amendment from the convention itself calling for recognition of the Irish republic and later providing in the indorsement of the League of Nations that this should not exclude Irish independence. The Irish nationalists in the convention backed by the radicals anxious to score over the administration and demonstrate the imperialist character of the peace settlement forced the issue and defeated the committee recommendation . . . by a vote of 181 to 150 and adopted the amendment asking recognition for Ireland by the Peace Conference.. This was the only revolt of the convention, the Irish being placated and assisting in the condemnation of the Russian Soviet republic soon thereafter. . . . John P. Frey, secretary of the resolutions committee, brought in a recommendation as a substitute [for three other resolutions] urging the Government to withdraw all troops from Russia but refusing the endorsement of the Soviet Government or any other Russian government until a constituent assembly has been held to establish 'a truly democratic form of government.' . . . Vigorous opposition . . . failed to change the result and the recommendation of the committee was adopted: . . . One of the favorable results of the convention was the support obtained by the Negro workers from the executive council and the convention, tending to break down the bars against admission of colored workers in the international

unions

Nearly fifty of the international officials reported that they raised no barrier against the Negro, and the convention authorized the formation of federal locals of all colored workers refused membership in any international union. . . . the most dramatic incident of the convention was the solitary stand made against the League of Nations covenant and the labor charter contained in the peace treaty by Andrew Furuseth, the seaThe entire executive council of mes leader the American Federation of Labor and its national

officials were re-elected. . . . Samuel Gompers was appointed to represent the Federation at the meeting of the Trades Union International Congress in Amsterdam on July 25."-C. Laue, 1919 A. F. o L. convention (American Labor Year Book, 19191920, pp. 149-155). See also LABOR PARTIES: 19181920; RAILROADS: 1919: Plumb plan.

1920.-Fortieth Annual Convention.-Statistics of the federation.-Gompers and the national election. "The American Federation of Labor met in annual convention for the fortieth time at Montreal, Canada, on June 7, 1920. . . . The most contentious issue fought out on the floor of the convention during its 12 days' session was the question of Government ownership of the railroads The resolution in favor of Government ownership and democratic operation, which was passed by a vote of 29,058 to 8,348, is as follows:

"Resolved, That the Forticth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor go on record as indorsing the movement to bring about a return of the systems of transportation to Government ownership and democratic operation; and be it further

"Resolved, That the executive Council be, and are hereby, instructed to use every effort to have the transportation act of 1920 repealed and legislation enacted providing for Government ownership and democratic operation of the railroad systems and the necessary inland waterways. . . .

"The convention indorsed the covenant of the League of Nations without reservations. 'It is not a perfect document and perfection is not claimed for it. It provides the best machinery yet devised for the prevention of war. It places human relations upon a new basis and endeavors to enthrone right and justice instead of strength and might as the arbiter of international destinies.' Other resolutions adopted by the convention may be summarized as follows: Compulsory military training and military training in schools were condemned as 'unnecessary, undesirable, and unAmerican.' Public officers were urged to make all possible effort to release political prisoners. The Kansas court of industrial relations was condemned and its abolition urged. Four resolutions on this subject were referred to the executive council of the Federation for action in bringing about the repeal of the law involved. Congress was enjoined to enact immediately the legislation necessary to establish the United States Employment Service as a permanent bureau in the Department of Labor. The creation of a Federal compensation insurance fund for maritime workers, under the administration of a Federal or State compensation commission, was urged to offset the recent decision of the United States Supreme Court denying longshoremen the benefits of State workmen's compensation laws. Reclassification of the civil service was advocated and the adoption of a wage scale commensurate with the 'skill, training, and responsibility involved in the work performed.' Enactment of legislation granting civil-service employees the right to a hearing and to an appeal from judzment in case of demotion or dismissal was also urged. The nonpartisan political campaign inaugurated by the Federation at its Atlantic City convention in 1019 to defeat candidates for office 'hostile to the trade-union movement' and 'elect candidates who can be relied upon to support measures favorable to labor,' was indorsed. A fund of $20.545 42 was donated to the campaign committee by members of the Federation between February 24, 1020, and April 30, 1920. Repeal of the Lever law and of the espionage act and other wartime legislation was demanded. Legislation