oversea territory and commerce, each tried to use them for the exclusive profit of their respective peoples, or even of certain of their own trading companies. Hence in 1648 the ideal of free ocean commerce and navigation, conceived long before by Grotius, remained unrealized."-F. G. Davenport, American and European diplomacy to 1648 (Annual Report American Historical Association, 1915, pp. 153, 161).

1531-1548.-Pizarro's conquest of Peru. See PERU: 1528-1531; 1531-1533; and 1533-1548.

1531-1641.-Republic of St. Paul in srazil.Jesuits. Mamelukes in Brazil. See BRAZIL: 15311641.

1533.-Spanish conquest of the kingdom of Quito. See ECUADOR: Aboriginal kingdom of Quito.

1534-1535.-Exploration of the St. Lawrence to Montreal by Cartier.-"At last, ten years after [the voyages of Verrazano], Philip Chabot, Admiral of France, induced the king [Francis I.] to resume the project of founding a French colony in the New World whence the Spaniards daily drew such great wealth; and he presented to him a Captain of St. Malo, by name Jacques Cartier, whose merit he knew, and whom that prince accepted. Cartier having received his instructions, left St. Malo the 2d of April, 1534, with two ships of 60 tons and 122 men. He steered west, inclining slightly north, and had such fair winds that, on the 10th of May, he made Cape Bonavista, in Newfoundland, at 46° north. Cartier found the land there still covered with snow, and the shore fringed with ice, so that he could not or dared not stop. He ran down six degrees south-southeast, and entered a port to which he gave the name of St. Catharine. Thence he turned back north. . . After making almost the circuit of Newfoundland, though without being able to satisfy himself that it was an island, he took a southerly course, crossed the gulf, approached the continent, and entered a very deep bay, where he suffered greatly from heat, whence he called it Chaleurs Bay. He was charmed with the beauty of the country, and well pleased with the Indians that he met and with whom he exchanged some goods for furs. . . . On leaving this bay, Cartier visited a good part of the coasts around the gulf, and took possession of the country in the name of the most Christian king, as Verazani had done in all the places where he landed. He set sail again on the 15th of August to return to France, and reached St. Malo safely on the 5th of September. . . . On the report which he made of his voyage, the court concluded that it would be useful to France to have a settlement in that part of America; but no one took this affair more to heart than the Vice-Admiral Charles de Mony, Sieur de la Mailleraye. This noble obtained a new commission for Cartier, more ample than the first, and gave him three ships well equipped. This fleet was ready about the middle of May, and Cartier . . . embarked on Wednesday the roth. His three vessels were separated by violent storms, but found one another, near the close of July, in the gulf which was their appointed place of rendezvous. On the 1st of August bad weather drove him to take refuge in the port of St. Nicholas, at the mouth of the river on the north. Here Cartier planted a cross, with the arms of France, and remained until the 7th. This port is almost the only spot in Canada that has kept the name given by Cartier.... On the 10th the three vessels re-entered the gulf, and in honor of the saint whose feast is celebrated on that day, Cartier gave the gulf the name of St. Lawrence; or rather he gave it to a bay lying

between Anticosti Island and the north shore, whence it extended to the whole gulf of which this bay is part; and because the river, before that called River of Canada, empties into the same gulf, it insensibly acquired the name of St. Lawrence, which it still bears. . . . The three vessels

ascended the river, and on the 1st of September they entered the river Saguenay. Cartier merely reconnoitered the mouth of this river, and . . . hastened to seek a port where his vessels might winter in safety. Eight leagues above Isle aux Coudres he found another much larger and handsomer island, all covered with trees and vines. He called it Bacchus Island, but the name has been changed to Isle d'Orleans. The author of the relation to this voyage, printed under the name of Cartier, pretends that only here the country begins to be called Canada. But he is surely mistaken; for it is certain that from the earliest times the Indians gave this name to the whole country along the river on both sides, from its mouth to the Saguenay. From Bacchus Island, Cartier proceeded to a little river which is ten leagues off, and comes from the north; he called it Rivière de Ste Croix, because he entered it on the 14th of September (Feast of the Exaltation of the Holy Cross); but it is now commonly called Rivière de Jacques Cartier. The day after his arrival he received a visit from an Indian chief named Donnacona, whom the author of the relation of that voy age styles Lord of Canada. Cartier treated with this chief by names of two Indians whom he had taken to France the year before, and who knew a little French. They informed Donnacona that the strangers wished to go to Hochelaga, which seemed to trouble him. Hochelaga was a pretty large town, situated on an island now known under the name of Island of Montreal. Cartier had heard much of it, and was loth to return to France without seeing it. The reason why this voyage troubled Donnacona was that the people of Hochelaga were of a different nation from his, and that he wished to profit exclusively by the advantages which he hoped to derive from the stay of the French in his country.' Proceeding with one vessel to Lake St. Pierre, and thence in two boats, Cartier reached Hochelaga Oct. 2. 'The shape of the town was round, and three rows of palisades inclosed in it about 50 tunnel shaped cabins, each over 50 paces long and 14 or 15 wide. It was entered by a single gate, above which, as well as along the first palisade, ran a kind of gallery, reached by ladders, and well provided with pieces of rock and pebbles for the defence of the place. The inhabitants of the town spoke the Huron language. They received the French very well. . . . Cartier visited the mountain at the foot of which the town lay and gave it the name of Mont Royal, which has become that of the whole Island [Montreal] From it he discovered a great extent of country. the sight of which charmed him. . . . He left Hochelaga on the 5th of October, and on the 11th arrived at Sainte Croix.' Wintering at this place. where his crews suffered terribly from the cold and from scurvy, he returned to France the following spring. 'Some authors. . . pretend that Cartier, disgusted with Canada, dissuaded the king, his master, from further thoughts of it; and Champlain seems to have been of that opinion. But this does not agree with what Cartier himself says in his memoirs. Cartier in vain extolled the country which he had discovered. His small returns, and the wretched condition to which his men had been reduced by cold and scurvy, persuaded most that it would never be of any use to France. Great stress was laid on the fact that he

AMERICA, 1535-1540

nowhere saw any appearance of mines; and then, even more than now, a strange land which produced' 'neither gold nor silver was reckoned as nothing.'"-Father Charlevoix, History of New France, bk. 1.

ALSO IN: R. Kerr, General collection of voyages, pt. 2, bk. 2, ch. 12.-F. X. Garneau, History of Canada, v. 1, ch. 2.-H. P. Biggar, Precursors of Jacques Cartier; Ottawa, Government printing bureau 213 (Publication of the Canadian Archives No. 5).-H. B. Stephens, Jacques Cartier and his four voyages to Canada (Gives modern English translations).-J. Winsor, America, v. 4, pp. 62-68. -J. Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac.-H. P. Biggar, Early trading companies of New France.-For the question of Cartier's route consult W. F. Ganong, Royal Society of Canada's transactions, V., sect. 2, p. 121, and Bishop Howley, Ibid., XII, sect. 2, p. 151.-C. Channing, History of the United States, V. 1.-R. G. Thwaites, France in America.-B. Sulte, Verrazano et Cartier (Société Géographique, Quebec, Bulletin 5, no. 6, Nov., pp. 378-381).

1535-1540.-Introduction of printing in Mexico. See PRINTING AND THE PRESS: 1535-1709. 1535-1550.-Spanish conquests in Chile. See CHILE: 1535-1724.

1536-1538.-Spanish conquests of New Granada. See COLOMBIA: 1536-1731.

1540-1541.-Coronado expedition.-"Its [De Soto's expedition] only parallel is the contemporary enterprise of Coronado, which did for the southwest what De Soto did for the eastern and central belt. If Cabeça de Vaca's reports of the riches of Florida spurred on De Soto and his followers in Spain they were not less exciting in Mexico. There the ground had been in a measure prepared by the fusing of an Indian folk tale of seven caves with the old geographical myth of the Seven Cities; and the whole was made vivid by the stories told by an Indian of a visit when a child to these seven towns, which he compared to the city of Mexico. It seemed advisable to Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, to explore the region, and he chose a Franciscan, Friar Marcos, of Nizza, or Nice, who had been in Peru with Pizarro, and in Mexico had had some missionary experience in the frontier, to make a reconnoissance.

AMERICA, 1540-1541

ernor of New Galicia, the northern frontier province of New Spain, and a personal friend of Mendoza. The vigor and energy of Mendoza's government as well as the resources of New Spain at that early date are strikingly displayed in the preparations for what is perhaps the most elaborate single enterprise of exploration in North American history. The land force under Coronado numbered three hundred Spaniards and eight hundred Indians, and was accompanied by a large number of extra horses and droves of sheep and pigs. There was in addition a sea force of two ships under Hernando de Alarcon to coöperate with Coronado by following the coast of the Gulf of California and keeping in communication with the army and carrying some of its baggage. Alarcon discovered the mouth of the Colorado River, and August 26, 1540, started to explore it with boats. In the second of his two separate trips he apparently got as far as the lower end of the cañon, about two hundred miles up, as he estimated it. Coronado himself set out in February, 1540, marching up the west coast of Mexico. At Culiacan he left the main force and went ahead with about fifty horsemen, some foot-soldiers, and most of the Indian allies. Passing across the southwestern section of Arizona they verged to the eastward till they came to Cibola, which was captured. Here they were profoundly disappointed. However plausible Friar Marcos's comparison of the distant view of the pueblo with the city of Mexico may be made to seem in our time, there is no doubt that it completely misled the men of that day who knew Mexico. Coronado now sent back Melchior Diaz to order up the main force. Diaz did so, and then set out to explore the region at the head of the Gulf of California. He crossed the Colorado River and penetrated the country to the west. Another important side expedition during this summer was that of Pedro de Tovar to the province of Tusayan, northwest of Cibola, which led to the discovery of the Grand Cañon of the Colorado by De Gardenas. As they looked into its depths it seemed as 'if the water was six feet across, although the Indians said it was half a league wide.' They tried to get down to the stream, but in vain. Those who stayed above had estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the cliffs seemed to be about as tall as a man, but those who went down swore that when they reached these rocks they were bigger than the great tower of Seville.' When the main army reached Cibola, Coronado moved with it to about the middle of New Mexico, where he went into winter quarters at Tiguex, on the Rio Grande. Here the burden of requisitions for supplies and individual acts of outrage against the Indians of Tiguex provoked them to an attack on the Spaniards, which was successfully repelled. The cruelty of the reprisals inflicted on the Indian prisoners exceeded anything done by De Soto, and constitutes a dark stain on the expedition. In the spring of 1541, Coronado set out to reach Quivira, a town of which an Indian prisoner had given a glowing description. It seems probable that the thirty-seven days' march took them northeasterly, but constantly verging to the right, across the plains until they reached the borders of the [former] Oklahoma Territory. A further advance with the main force now seemed inadvisable; but to verify, if possible, the stories about Quivira, Coronado went on early in June with thirty horsemen to the northeast. After a ride of about six weeks the goal was reached, and proved to be nothing more than a village of seminomadic Indians in the centre of the present state of Kansas. A few hundred miles to the southeast

He was

now instructed to make careful observations of the country, its products and people, and to report them in detail to Mendoza. The negro Stephen, who had come with De Vaca, was given to him to serve as a guide, and he was also attended by some Christianized Pima Indians. Friar Marcos left Culiacan in the western frontier of Sinaloa a few weeks before De Soto landed in Florida. Following the coast as far as the Yaqui, he then went nearly due north, veering later towards the east, until he came within sight of the Zuni villages in western New Mexico. The negro Stephen had gone on ahead with a retinue of Indians, and Friar Marcos now learned that he had been killed by the Indians of Cibola, the first of the seven cities (which are now usually identified with the Zuni pueblos). From a distant point of view, the pueblo seemed to the friar in that magnifying atmosphere as large as the city of Mexico. The magic of the association with the legend of the 'Seven Cities' reinforced the impression made by the narrative of the friar, some of whose exaggerated reports may have arisen from imperfectly understanding his informants; and elaborate preparations were at once made to invade the new land of wonder, and to repeat, if possible, the history of the conquest of Mexico. The enterprise was placed in the charge of Francisco de Coronado, the recently appointed gov

De Soto at this same time was exploring Arkansas. An Indian woman who had run away from Coronado's army fell in with De Soto's nine days later. Fertile as was the soil of the western praries, the region had nothing at that time adequate to reward settlement so far inland; and Coronado in the following spring returned to New Spain with all his force save two missionaries and a few others. The expedition, like De Soto's, failed of its immediate object, but it revealed the character of a large part of the southwest and of the transMississippi plains; and the branch expeditions had proved that Lower California was a peninsula and not an island."-E. G. Bourne, Spain in America, pp. 168-172. In regard to the literature of southwestern exploration, G. P. Winship, Bibliography of the Coronado Expedition, is a very valuable guide. It was appended to his edition of all the Coronado documents in English translation, including the original Spanish text, not previously printed, of Castaneda's narrative, published by the United States Bureau of Ethnology, Fourteenth Annual Report (1896). The translations have been revised in G. P. Winship's Journey of Coronado (1904).

ALSO IN: L. D. Scisco, Coronado's march across the high plains (Americana, VI, pp. 237-248).C. F. Lummis, Spanish pioneers.-Coronado's expetition (Papers of the American Historical Association, v. 3, pp. 168-171).-Report American historical association, pp. 83-92, 94 (article by C. P. Winship).

1541.-Spanish settlement in Yucatan. See YUCATAN: Geographical description.

1541-1603.-Cartier's last voyage.-Abortive attempts at French colonization in Canada."Jean François de la Roque, lord of Roberval, a gentleman of Picardy, was the most earnest and energetic of those who desired to colonize the lands discovered by Jacques Cartier. . . . The title and authority of lieutenant-general was conferred upon him; his rule to extend over Canada, Hochelaga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belle Isle, Carpon, Labrador, La Grand Baye, and Baccalaos, with the delegated rights and powers of the Crown. This patent was dated the 15th of January, 1540. Jacques Cartier was named second in command.

on the Newfoundland Bank and in the Gulf of St. Lawrence were steadily growing in activity and importance. "When, after fifty years of civil strife, the strong and wise sway of Henry IV. restored rest to troubled France, the spirit of discovery again arose. The Marquis de La Roche, a Breton gentleman, obtained from the king, in 1598, a patent granting the same powers that Roberval had possessed." But La Roche's undertaking proved more disastrous than Roberval's had been. Yet, there had been enough of successful furtrading opened to stimulate enterprise, despite these misfortunes. "Private adventurers, unprotected by any special privilege, began to barter for the rich peltries of the Canadian hunters. A wealthy merchant of St. Malo, named Pontgravé, was the boldest and most successful of these traders; he made several voyages to Tadousac, at the mouth of the Saguenay, bringing back each time a rich cargo of rare and valuable furs." In 1600, Pontgravé effected a partnership with one Chauvin, a naval captain, who obtained a patent from the king giving him a monopoly of the trade; but Chauvin died in 1602 without having succeeded in establishing even a trading post at Tadousac. De Chatte, or De Chastes, governor of Dieppe, succeeded to the privileges of Chauvin, and founded a company of merchants at Rouen [1603] to undertake the development of the resources of Canada. It was under the auspices of this company that Samuel Champlain, the founder of New France, came upon the scene.-E. Warburton, Conquest of Canada, v. 1, ch. 2-3.-See also FRANCE: Colonial empire.

ALSO IN: F. Parkman, Pioneers of France in the New World: Champlain, ch. 1-2.

1542-1648.-Jesuit missionaries. See JESUITS:

1542-1648.

But

1562-1567.- Slave-trading voyages of Hawkins. Beginnings of English enterprise in the New World.-"The history of English America begins with the three slave-trading voyages of John Hawkins, made in the years 1562, 1564, and 1507. Nothing that Englishmen had done in connection with America, previously to those voyages, had any result worth recording. England had known the New World nearly seventy years, for John Cabot reached it shortly after its discovery by Columbus; and, as the tidings of the discovery spread, many English adventurers had crossed the Atlantic to the American coast. as years passed, and the excitement of novelty subsided, the English voyages to America had become fewer and fewer, and at length ceased altogether. It is easy to account for this. There was no opening for conquest or plunder, for the Tudors were at peace with the Spanish sovereigns: and there could be no territorial occupation, for the Papal title of Spain and Portugal to the whole of the new continent could not be disputed by Catholic England. No trade worth having existed with the natives: and Spain and Portugal kept the trade with their own settlers in their own hands. . . . As the plantations in America grew and multiplied, the demand for negroes rapidly increased. The Spaniards had no African settlements, but the Portuguese had many, and, with the aid of French and English adventurers, they procured from these settlements slaves enough to supply both themselves and the Spaniards. But the Brazilian plantations grew so fast, about the middle of the century, that they absorbed the entire supply, and the Spanish colonists knew not where to look for negroes. This penury of slaves in the Spanish

Jacques Cartier sailed on the 23d of May, 1541, having provisioned his fleet for two years." He remained on the St. Lawrence until the following June, seeking vainly for the fabled wealth of the land of Saguenay, finding the Indians strongly inclined to a treacherous hostility, and suffering severe hardships during the winter. Entirely discouraged and disgusted, he abandoned his undertaking early in the summer of 1542, and sailed for home. On the road of St. John's, Newfoundland, Cartier met his tardy chief, Roberval, just coming to join him; but no persuasion could induce the disappointed explorer to turn back. "To avoid the chance of an open rupture with Roberval, the lieutenant silently weighed anchor during the night, and made all sail for France. This inglorious withdrawal from the enterprise paralyzed Roberval's power, and deferred the permanent settlement of Canada for generations then unborn. Jacques Cartier died soon after his return to Europe." Roberval proceeded to Canada, built a fort at Ste Croix, four leagues west of Orleans, sent back two of his three ships to France, and remained through the winter with his colony, having a troubled time. There is no certain account of the ending of the enterprise, but it ended in failure. For half a century afterwards there was little attempt made by the French to colonize any part of New France, though the French fisheries

AMERICA, 1562-1567

the

Indies became known to the English and French captains who frequented the Guinea coast; and John Hawkins, who had been engaged from boyhood in the trade with Spain and the Canaries, resolved in 1562 to take a cargo of negro slaves to Hispaniola. The little squadron with which he executed this project was the first English squadron which navigated the West Indian seas. This voyage opened those seas to the English. England had not yet broken with Spain, and the law excluding English vessels from trading with the Spanish colonists was not strictly enforced. The trade was profitable, and Hawkins found no difficulty in disposing of his cargo to great advantage. A meagre note . . . from the pen of Hakluyt contains all that is known of the first American voyage of Hawkins. In its details it must have closely resembled the second voyage. In the first voyage, however, Hawkins had no occasion to carry his wares further than three ports on the northern side of Hispaniola. These ports, far away from San Domingo, the capital, were already well known to the French smugglers. He did not venture into the Caribbean Sea; and having loaded his ships with their return cargo, he made the best of his way back. In his second voyage . . . he entered the Caribbean Sea, still keeping, however, at a safe distance from San Domingo, and sold his slaves on the mainland. This voyage was on a much larger scale. . . . Having sold his slaves in the continental ports [South American], and loaded his vessels with hides and other goods bought with the produce, Hawkins determined to strike out a new path and sail home with the Gulf-stream, which would carry him northwards past shores of Florida. Sparke's narrative. . . proves that at every point in these expeditions the Englishman was following in the track of the French. He had French pilots and seamen board, and there is little doubt that one at least of these had already been with Laudonnière in Florida. The French seamen guided him to Laudonnière's settlement, where his arrival was most opportune. They then pointed him the way by the coast of North America, then universally known in the mass as New France, to Newfoundland, and thence, with the prevailing westerly winds, to Europe. This was the pioneer voyage made by Englishmen along coasts afterwards famous in history through English colonization. . . . The extremely interesting narrative ... given . . . from the pen of John Sparke, one of Hawkins' gentlemen companions . . . contains the first information concerning America and its natives which was published in England by an English eye-witness." Hawkins planned a third voyage in 1566, but the remonstrances of the Spanish king caused him to be stopped by the English court. He sent out his ships, however, and they came home in due time richly freighted,-from what source is not known. "In another year's time the aspect of things had changed." England was venturing into war with Spain, "and Hawkins was now able to execute his plans without restraint. He founded a permanent fortified factory on the Guinea coast, where negroes might be collected all the year round. Thence he sailed for the West Indies a third time. Young Francis Drake sailed with him in command of the 'Judith,' a small vessel of fifty tons" The voyage had a prosperous beginning and a disastrous ending. After disposing of most of their slaves, they were driven by storms to take refuge in the Mexican port of Vera Cruz, and there they were attacked by a Spanish fleet. Drake in the Judith and

on

AMERICA, 1572-1580

Hawkins in another small vessel escaped. But the latter was overcrowded with men and obliged to put half of them ashore on the Mexican coast. The majority of those left on board, as well as a majority of Drake's crew, died on the voyage home, and it was a miserable remnant that landed in England, in January, 1569.-E. J. Payne, Voyages of Elizabethan seamen to America, ch. I.

ALSO IN: Hawkins' voyages; ed. by C. R. Markham (Hakluyt Society, No. 57).-R. Southey, Lives of the British admirals, v. 3.

1572-1580.-Piratical adventures of Drake and his encompassing of the world.-"Francis Drake, the first of the English Buccaneers, was one of the twelve children of Edward Drake of Tavistock, in Devonshire, a staunch Protestant, who had fled his native place to avoid persecution, and had then become a ship's chaplain. Drake, like Columbus, had been a seaman by profession from boyhood; and . . . had served as a young man, in command of the Judith, under Hawkins. Hawkins had confined himself to smuggling: Drake advanced from this to piracy. This practice was authorized by law in the middle ages for the purpose of recovering debts or damages from the subjects of another nation. The English, especially those of the west country, were the most formidable pirates in the world; and the whole nation was by this time roused against Spain, in consequence of the ruthless war waged against Protestantism in the Netherlands by Philip II. Drake had accounts of his own to settle with the Spaniards. Though Elizabeth had not declared for the revolted States, and pursued a shifting policy, her interests and theirs were identical; and it was with a view of cutting off those supplies of gold and silver from America which enabled Philip to bribe politicians and pay soldiers, in pursuit of his policy of aggression, that the famous voyage was authorized by English statesmen. Drake had recently made more than one successful voyage of plunder to the American coast." In July, 1572, he surprised the Spanish town of Nombre de Dios, which was the shipping port on the northern side of the Isthmus for the treasures of Peru. His men made their way into the royal treasure-house, where they laid hands on a heap of bar-silver, 70 feet long, 10 wide, and 10 high; but Drake himself had received a wound which compelled the pirates to retreat with no very large part of the splendid booty. In the winter of 1573, with the help of the runaway slaves on the Isthmus, known as Cimarrones, he crossed the Isthmus, looked on the Pacific ocean, approached within sight of the city of Panama, and waylaid a transportation party conveying gold to Nombre de Dios; but was disappointed of his prey by the excited conduct of some of his men. When he saw, on this occasion, the great ocean beyond the Isthmus, "Drake then and there resolved to be the pioneer of England in the Pacific; and on this resolution he solemnly besought the blessing of God. Nearly four years elapsed before it was executed; for it was not until November, 1577, that Drake embarked on his famous voyage, in the course of which he proposed to plunder Peru itself. The Peruvian ports were unfortified. The Spaniards knew them to be by nature absolutely secured from attack on the north; and they never dreamed that the English pirates would be daring enough to pass the terrible straits of Magellan and attack them from the south. Such was the plan of Drake; and it was executed with complete success." He sailed from Plymouth, Dec. 13, 1577, with a fleet of four vessels, and a pinnace, but lost one of the ships after he had entered the Pacific,

AMERICA, 1580

in a storm which drove him southward, and which made him the discoverer of Cape Horn. Another of his ships, separated from the squadron, returned home, and a third, while attempting to do the same, was lost in the river Plate. Drake, in his own vessel, the Golden Hind, proceeded to the Peruvian coasts, where he cruised until he had taken and plundered a score of Spanish ships. "Laden with a rich booty of Peruvian treasure he deemed it unsafe to return by the way that he came. He therefore resolved to strike across the Pacific and for this purpose made the latitude in which this voyage was usually performed by the Spanish government vessels which sailed annually from Acapulco to the Philippines. Drake thus reached the coast of California, where the Indians, delighted beyond measure by presents of clothing and trinkets, invited him to remain and rule over them. Drake took possession of the country in the name of the Queen, and refitted his vessel in preparation for the unknown perils of the Pacific. The place where he landed must have been either the great bay of San Francisco or the small bay of Bodega, which lies a few leagues further north. The great seaman had already coasted five degrees more to the northward before finding a suitable harbour. He believed himself to be the first European who had coasted these shores; but it is now well known that Spanish explorers had preceded him. Drake's circumnavigation of the globe was thus no deliberate feat of seamanship, but the necessary result of circumstances. The voyage made in more than one way a great epoch in English nautical history." Drake reached Plymouth on his return Sept. 26, 1580.-E. J. Payne, Voyages of the Elizabethan seamen to America, pp. 141-143.

ALSO IN: F. Fletcher, World encompassed by Sir Drake (Hakluyt Society, 1854).-J. Barrow, Life of Drake.-R. Southey, Lives of British admirals, v. 3.-Nuno de Silva, Report on a part of Francis Drake's famous voyage of circumnavigation.-J. Corbett, Drake and the Tudor navy. -E. Channing, History of the United States, v. 1, pp. 116, 133, 141.-L. G. Tyler, England in America, pp. 10, 13, 25-Papers American Historical Association, v. 2, p. 168; v. 5, pp. 303, 950.-Reports American Historical Associa tion.

1580.-Final founding of the city of Buenos Ayres. See ARGENTINA: 1580-1777.

1583.-Expedition of Sir Humphrey Gilbert.— Formal possession taken of Newfoundland.-In 1578, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, an English gentleman, of Devonshire, whose younger half-brother was the more famous Sir Walter Raleigh, obtained from Queen Elizabeth a charter empowering him, for the next six years, to discover "such remote heathen and barbarous lands, not actually possessed by any Christian prince or people," as he might be shrewd or fortunate enough to find, and to occupy the same as their proprietor. Gilbert's rst expedition was attempted the next year, with Sir Walter Raleigh associated in it; but misfortunes drove back the adventurers to port, and Spanish intrigue prevented their sailing again. "In June, 1583, Gilbert sailed from Cawsand Bay with five vessels, with the general intention of discovering and colonizing the northern parts of America. It was the first colonizing expedition which left the shores of Great Britain; and the narrative of the expedition by Hayes, who commanded one of Gilbert's vessels, forms the first page in the history of English colonization. Gilbert did no more than go through the empty form of taking possession of the island of Newfoundland, to which the English

...

AMERICA, 1584-1586

name formerly applied to the continent in general was now restricted. . . . Gilbert dallied here too long. When he set sail to cross the Gulf of St. Lawrence and take possession of Cape Breton and Nova Scotia the season was too far advanced; one of his largest ships went down with all on board, including the Hungarian scholar Parmenius, who had come out as the historian of the expedition; the stores were exhausted and the crews dispirited; and Gilbert resolved on sailing home, intending to return and prosecute his discoveries the next spring. On the home voyage the little vessel in which he was sailing foundered; and the pioneer of English colonization found a watery grave. . . . Gilbert was a man of courage, piety, and learning. He was, however, an indifferent seaman, and quite incompetent for the task of colonization to which he had set his hand. The misfortunes of his expedition induced Amadas and Barlow, who followed in his steps, to abandon the northward voyage and sail to the shores intended to be occupied by the easier but more circuitous route of the Canaries and the West Indies."-E. J. Payne, Voyages of Elizabethan seamen to America, PP. 173-174.-"On Monday, the 9th of September, in the afternoon, the frigate [the 'Squirrel'] was near cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time recovered; and giving forth signs of joy, the general, sitting abaft with a book in his hand, cried out to us in the 'Hind' (so oft as we did approach within hearing), 'We are as near to heaven by sea as by land,' reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a soldier resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was. On the same Monday night, about twelve o'clock, or not long after, the frigate being ahead of us in the 'Golden Hind,' suddenly her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment we lost the sight, and withal our watch cried the General was cast away, which was too true; for in that moment the frigate was devoured and swallowed up by the sea. Yet still we looked out all that night and ever after, until we arrived upon the coast of England. . . . In great torment of weather and peril of drowning it pleased God to send safe home the 'Golden Hind,' which arrived in Falmouth on the 22d of September, being Sunday."-E. Haies, A report of the voyage by Sir Humphrey Gilbert (reprinted in Payne's Voyages).

ALSO IN: E. Edwards, Life of Raleigh, v. 1, ch. 5 -R. Hakluyt, Principal navigations; edited by E. Goldsmid, v. 12.-L. G. Tyler, England in America, pp. 13-21.-E. Channing, History of the United States, pp. 122-124.-Prince Society, Sir Humphrey Gylberte and his enterprise of colonization in America; edited by C. Slafter.-G. Patterson, Royal Society of Canada's transactions, second series, p. 113.-W. G. Gosling, Life of Sir Humphrey Gilbert (Calendar of State Papers, Col. 1574-1674, p. 17).

1584-1586.-Raleigh's first colonizing attempts and failures.-"The task in which Gilbert had failed was to be undertaken by one better qualified to carry it out. If any Englishman in that age seemed to be marked out as the founder of a colonial empire, it was Raleigh. Like Gilbert, he had studied books; like Drake he could rule men. . . . The associations of his youth, and the training of his early manhood, fitted him to sympathize with the aims of his half-brother Gilbert, and there is little reason to doubt that Raleigh had a share in his undertaking and his failure. In 1584 he obtained a patent precisely similar to Gilbert's. His first step showed the thoughtful and well-planned system on which he began his task Two ships were sent out, not with any idea of