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World, considered as a boundless territory open to settlement, would act in two ways upon the nations of Europe. In the first place it would have a purely political effect, that is, it would act upon their governments. For so much debatable territory would be a standing cause of war. is this action of the New World that we have been considering hitherto, while we have observed how mainly the wars of the eighteenth century, and particularly the great wars of England and France, were kindled by this cause. But the New World would also act upon the European communities themselves, modifying their occupations and ways of life, altering their industrial and economical character."-Sir J. Seeley, Expansion of England, pp. 78-80.

"For over one hundred years after the discovery of America the Spanish and the Portuguese were permitted to select the sites of their colonies and occupy as much of the land of the new continent as they desired, undisturbed by any interference of the English or French. Fortunately for the future of Anglo-Saxon supremacy in North America, the Portuguese directed their efforts to South America, Africa, and southeastern Asia. The Spaniards followed in a general way the tracks of Columbus and concentrated their efforts upon the West Indies, and Central and South America. The initial impulse which was given to exploration and settlement in this region was reënforced by the finding of precious metals in Mexico and Peru. For generations afterwards, the energies of Spain were concentrated here, leaving the northern part of the American continent to others. This was largely accident, although the winds and ocean currents had been the chief factors in taking Columbus over the course which he sailed and bringing him to the particular portion of the newly discovered lands which he actually reached.

"Similarly, the claims of the New World which were staked out by the English, French, and Dutch were determined in the first instance mainly by geographical considerations. The North Atlantic

is relatively narrow between Newfoundland on the one side and Ireland and Brittany on the other. Knowledge that the Spaniards had already preempted the lands for the south also directed the later arrivals to the more northern portion of North America. All these influences combined to apportion in a rough way the newly discovered lands among the maritime powers. The new conditions of life which the English and French found awaiting them were arduous enough to discourage the timid and weed out the unfit, without absolutely discouraging immigration from Europe. The climate of our Atlantic seaboard is more rigorous than that of France and the British Isles but it is a white man's country and makes no impossible demands upon a European's powers of adaptation. South of Chesapeake Bay many districts suffered from malaria which, combined with the hot summers, put a premium upon negro slavery. On the northern end of the habitable area, in the St. Lawrence region, agriculture was made difficult by severe winters and a thin soil. Physiography and climate, therefore, discouraged the growth of a dense population in what is now lower Canada and hampered the growth of the French settlements there, despite the profits in the fur trade. "The main outlines of the growth of the English colonies were also fixed fairly early by these same natural features. The climate, the configuration of the land, the presence or absence of natural harbors, the fertility of the soil, and the fauna and flora directed industry into this or that chan

nel. The mountain wall of the Appalachians flanked by dense forest growths opposed a mighty barrier to westward migration, while the warlike aborigines assisted the mountains and forests in hemming in the English colonists close to the Atlantic shore-land."-D. E. Smith, in J. N. Larned, Ed., English leadership, pp. 210-212.

"The first Europeans in America were doomed to many a disappointment in the matter of climate. The effects of the Gulf Stream, which carries the heat of the Gulf of Mexico away from North America to warm the shores of western Europe, were at first not recognized by the newcomers. Their natural expectation was that in a given latitude the climate of America would approximate that of Europe. New England, from June to September, did appear in the same latitude. A New England winter, on the other hand, resembled that of Norway or Sweden, while Labrador, which was only as far north as England, had a climate which in Europe was known only within the Arctic Circle. . . . Low-lying shores, cut by numerous navigable streams, rendered the Atlantic coast of North America more easy of access than was the Pacific coast. The majority of these Atlantic rivers were short and swift, and possessed of water power well suited to the manufacturing which was to spring up in later centuries. The interior of the continent could not easily be penetrated along these streams, for the reason that some few miles inland they were usually broken in their course by rapids and falls, which were difficult of passage. Still farther inland they lost themselves in a mountain barrier, the Appalachians, which extended parallel to the seashore as far south as Georgia. The waters of the St. Lawrence cut this barrier in the north, but it was early found that this waterway, filled with rapids and frozen over for nearly half the year, was not all that could be desired as a key to the interior of the continent Nor was the Mississippi a much more satisfactory route inland, since hidden shoals rendered its ascent so difficult that navigation of its waters could be easily accomplished only southward with the current. Confronted by these conditions, the European settlers quite naturally contented themselves at first with the coast. They did not explore the passes over the mountains to the west till almost a century after their first settlement, and they did not push through these barriers in any considerable numbers for another half century. . . Fortunately the Europeans found the struggle for existence in America comparatively easy. The Atlantic Ocean, from Newfoundland to Cape Cod, contained an abundance of sea food, particularly the valuable codfish and mackerel, which were highly esteemed as early as the days of Columbus and have constituted the basis of a valuable industry down to the present time. On land the fertile soil responded quickly to the efforts of the husbandmen. As has been well said, raising their own food has seldom been a serious problem for the settlers in virgin America. Over and above its own needs, the country has usually been able to furnish a surplus for consumption abroad. Supplies of game, such as deer, elk, wild geese. and turkeys, abounded. The forests, extending as far west as the plains of the interior, furnished an abundance of lumber; and everywhere, in forests. streams, and plains, the beaver, otter, sable, badger, buffalo, deer, and other fur-bearing animals yielded rich returns to the fur trader. The vast mineral resources of gold, silver, copper, coal, iron, and petroleum, though not yielding up their treasure to the early settlers, have added immensely to the wealth of the country, as from time to time

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the secret of their existence has been wrested from nature.

"The vastness of the new continent surprised the Europeans. Both North America, with 8,000,000 square miles, and South America, with 6,800,000 square miles, are larger than Europe, which totals only 3,700,000 square miles. Exclusive of the island possessions, the present area of the United States, 3,600,000 square miles, is almost as large as the whole of Europe."-E. D. Fite, History of the United States, pp. 26-28.

Name. See below: 1500-1514.

Aboriginal inhabitants. See INDIANS, AMERICAN; MYTHOLOGY: Primitive mythology; also under the names of the tribes, and under countries, e. g., MEXICO: Aboriginal inhabitants, etc.

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the theme of many an essay on the wonders of ancient civilization. The research of the past years has put this subject in a proper light. First, the annals of the Columbian epoch have been carefully studied, and it is found that some of the mounds have been constructed in historical time, while early explorers and settlers found many actually used by tribes of North American Indians; so we know that many of them were builders of mounds. Again, hundreds and thousands of these mounds have been carefully examined, and the works of art found therein have been collected and assembled in museums.. At the same time, the works of art of the Indian tribes, as they were produced before modification by European culture, have been assembled in the same museums, and

Prehistoric.-"Widely scattered throughout the United States, from sea to sea, artificial mounds are discovered, which may be enumerated by the thousands or hundreds of thousands. They vary greatly in size; some are so small that a halfdozen laborers with shovels might construct one of them in a day, while others cover acres and are scores of feet in height. These mounds were observed by the earliest explorers and pioneers of the country. They did not attract great attention, however, until the science of archæology demanded their investigation. Then they were assumed to furnish evidence of a race of people older than the Indian tribes. Pseud-archæologists descanted on the Mound-builders that once inhabited the land, and they told of swarming populations who had reached a high condition of culture, erecting temples, practicing arts in the metals, and using hieroglyphs. So the Mound-builders formed

the two classes of collections have been carefully compared. All this has been done with the greatest painstaking, and the Mound-builder's arts and the Indian's arts are found to be substantially identical. No fragment of evidence remains to support the figment of theory that there was an ancient race of Mound-builders superior in culture to the North American Indians. . . . That some of these mounds were built and used in modern times is proved in another way. They often contain articles manifestly made by white men, such as glass beads and copper ornaments. . . . So it chances that to-day unskilled archæologists are collecting many beautiful things in copper, stone, and shell which were made by white men and traded to the Indians. Now, some of these things are found in the mounds; and bird pipes, elephant pipes, banner stones, copper spear heads and knives, and machine-made wampum are collected

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in quantities and sold at high prices to wealthy amateurs.... The study of these mounds, historically and archæologically, proves that they were used for a variety of purposes. Some were for sepulture, and such are the most common and widely scattered. Others were used as artificial hills on which to build communal houses. . . . Some of the very large mounds were sites of large communal houses in which entire tribes dwelt. There is still a third class . . . constructed as places for public assembly. . . . But to explain the mounds and their uses would expand this article into a book. It is enough to say that the Moundbuilders were the Indian tribes discovered by white men. It may well be that some of the mounds were erected by tribes extinct when Columbus first saw these shores, but they were kindred in culture to the peoples that still existed. In the southwestern portion of the United States, conditions of aridity prevail. Forests are few and are found only at great heights. . . . The tribes lived in the plains and valleys below, while the highlands were their hunting grounds. The arid lands below were often naked of vegetation; and the ledges and cliffs that stand athwart the lands, and the canyon walls that inclose the streams, were everywhere quarries of loose rock, lying in blocks ready to the builder's hand. Hence these people learned to build their dwellings of stone; and they had large communal houses, even larger than the structures of wood made by the tribes of the east and north. Many of these stone pueblos are still occupied, but the ruins are scattered wide over a region of country embracing a little of California and Nevada, much of Utah, most of Colorado, the whole of New Mexico and Arizona, and far southward toward the Isthmus. . . . No ruin has been discovered where evidences of a higher culture are found than exists in modern times at Zuñi, Oraibi, or Laguna. The earliest may have been built thousands of years ago, but they were built by the ancestors of existing tribes and their congeners. A careful study of these ruins, made during the last twenty years, abundantly demonstrates that the pueblo culture began with rude structures of stone and brush, and gradually developed, until at the time of the exploration of the country by the Spaniards, beginning about 1540, it had reached its highest phase. Zuñi [in New Mexico] has been built since, and it is among the largest and best villages ever established within the territory of the United States without the aid of ideas derived from civilized men." With regard to the ruins of dwellings found sheltered in the craters of extinct volcanoes, or on the shelves of cliffs, or otherwise contrived, the conclusion to which all recent archæological study tends is the same. "All the stone pueblo ruins, all the clay ruins, all the cliff dwellings, all the crater villages, all the cavate chambers, and all the tufa-block houses are fully accounted for without resort to hypothetical peoples inhabiting the country anterior to the Indian tribes. . . . Pre-Columbian culture was indigenous; it began at the lowest stage of savagery and developed to the highest, and was in many places passing into barbarism when the good queen sold her jewels."-J. W. Powell, Prehistoric man in America (Forum, Jan., 1890).-"The writer believes

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the Spanish conquerors, the most intelligent and advanced peoples found here were only semi-barbarians, in the stage of transition from the stone to the bronze age, possessing no written language, or what can properly be styled an alphabet, and not yet having even learned the use of beasts of burden."-H. W. Haynes, Prehistoric archaeology of North America (Narrative and Critical History of America, v. 1, ch. 6). "It may be premised

that the Spanish adventurers who thronged to the New World after its discovery found the same race of Red Indians in the West India Islands, in Central and South America, in Florida and in Mexico. In their mode of life and means of subsistence, in their weapons, arts, usages and customs, in their institutions, and in their mental and physical characteristics, they were the same people in different stages of advancement. . . . There was neither a political society, nor a state, nor any civilization in America when it was discovered; and, excluding the Eskimos, but one race of Indians, the Red Race."-L. H. Morgan, Houses and house-life of the American aborigines (Contributions to North American Ethnology, v. 4, ch. 10). "We have in this country the conclusive evidence of the existence of man before the time of the glaciers, and from the primitive conditions of that time, he has lived here and developed, through stages which correspond in many particulars to the Homeric age of Greece."-F. W. Putnam, Report Peabody Museum of Archaeology, 1886.

"In recent years archeologists have uncovered a number of interesting ancient Indian villages in the southwestern part of the United States where the four states of Arizona, Utah, Colorado and New Mexico corner. It is a collection of remarkable ruins called Mummy Lake Village, so named from a mummy pit found there. It contains a strange three-story house 113 feet long and 110 feet wide; a large front court is inclosed with a stone wall. The house had more than 100 rooms. In one of these southwestern villages an ancient fire-place was found and a grinding mill with the grinding stones still in their original position. Aztec Spring City is another interesting place. It extends over 15 acres and the stone wall built into it is estimated to contain 2,000,000 cubic feet. It seems queer that the stones had to be carried from a distance. This village has been dug into considerably by grave robbers. At Goodman Point Village there was a large building in the center, apparently a community house, and similar structures around it. A community spring furnished water for the villagers. The National Geographic Society through the Yale University Expedition to Peru in 1915 resulted in making known to the world the marvelous civilization of the early Peruvian Indians. Megalithic or big stone people were probably the ancestors of the modern Quichuas, a tribe of the Incas whom the Spaniards conquered. It is clear that there were settled agricultural communities centuries before America was discovered by Columbus. These Aborigines had tillage agriculture, used fertilizer, and irrigated arid regions. They also built terraces with large stones carefully fitted together behind which soil, brought from a distance, was placed for the growing of crops. River courses were straightened and this valley land was reclaimed for agriculture. The Peruvian Indians placed more importance on the raising of crops than on the tombs of the dead Their agricultural terraces show finer workmanship than their dwellings. Early Spanish historians tell us that they had special gardens for raising potatoes for the royal household. Among the crops of the ancient Peruvians were the sweet potato,

that the majority of American archæologists now sees no sufficient reason for supposing that any mysterious superior race has ever lived in any portion of our continent. They find no archæological evidence proving that at the time of its discovery any tribe had reached a stage of culture that can properly be called civilization. Even if we accept the exaggerated statements of

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the potato, the tomato and Indian corn. When we think of the importance of the potato as an article of food today we can see that the real treasure of the Incas was not their gold but their agriculture. In the masonry of these Staircase Farms are some joints so delicate as to be invisible to the naked eye, indicating the finest craftsmanship."-O. F. Cook, Staircase farms of the ancients (National Geographic Magazine, May, 1916).

ALSO IN: L. Carr, Mounds of the Mississippi Valley.-C. Thomas, Burial mounds of the northern sections of the United States: Annual report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1883-1884.-Marquis de Nadaillac, Prehistoric American.-J. Fiske, Discovery of America, ch. 1.-J. W. Fewkes, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 51.-Indian mound groups and village sites about Madison (American Antiquarian, v. 33, Oct., 240-241).-W. P. Lewis, Published facts relating to early man in North America (Archæological Bulletin 2, Sept., pp. 102-106).-K. Sumner, Cave and cliff-dwellings of the Southwest (Americana, v. 6, Aug., pp. 738-743). -E. S. Curtis, North American Indian, VI, VII. -A. W. Ivins, Record keeping among the Aztecs (Utah General and Historical Magazine, v. 2, April, pp. 90-92).-J. C. Morton, Vanishing race (Ohio Archæological and Historical Publication, v. 2, January, pp. 48-56).-C. Wissler, Research and exploration among the Indians of the northern plains (American Museum Journal, v. 11, April, PP. 126-127).

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which can be regarded as covering the whole period of scientific investigation in anthropology, the opinions of those who have devoted attention to such inquiries have undergone the strangest fluctuations. If one delves into the anthropological journals of forty or fifty years ago they will be found to abound in careful studies on the part of many of the leading ethnologists of the time, demonstrating, apparently in a convincing and unquestionable manner, the spread of curious customs or beliefs from the Old World to the New. Then an element of doubt began to creep into the attitude of many ethnologists, which gradually stiffened until it set into the rigid dogma-there is no other term for it-that as the result of 'the similarity of the working of the human mind' similar needs and like circumstances will lead various isolated groups of men in a similar phase of culture independently one of the other to invent similar arts and crafts, and to evolve identical beliefs. The modern generation of ethnologists has thoughtlessly seized hold of this creed and used it as a soporific drug against the need for mental exertion. For when any cultural resemblance is discovered there is no incentive on the part of those whose faculties have been so lulled to sleep to seek for an explanation; all that is necessary is to murmur the incantation and bow the knee to a fetish certainly no less puerile and unsatisfying than that of an African negro. It does not seem to occur to most modern ethnologists that the whole teaching of history is fatal to the idea of inventions being made independently. Originality is one of the rarest manifestations of human faculty. . . . From Indonesia the whole eastern Asiatic littoral and all the neighboring islands were stirred by the new ideas; and civilizations bearing the distinctive marks of the culture-complex which I have traced from Egypt sprang up in CochinChina, Corea, Japan and eventually in all the islands of the Pacific and the western coast of America. The proof of the reality of this great migration of culture is provided not merely by the identical geographical distribution of a very extensive series of curiously distinctive, and often utterly bizarre, customs and beliefs, the precise dates and circumstances of the origin of which are known in their parent countries; but the fact that these strange ingredients are compounded in a definite and highly complex manner to form an artificial cultural structure, which no theory of independent evolution can possibly explain, because chance played so large a part in building it up in its original home. For instance, it is quite conceivable (though I believe utterly opposed to the evidence at our disposal) that different people might, independently the one of the other, have invented the practises of mummification, building megalithic monuments, circumcision, tattooing and terraced irrigation; evolved the stories of the petrification of human beings, the strange adventures of the dead in the underworld, and the divine origin of kings; and adopted sun-worship. But why should the people of America and Egypt who built megalithic monuments build them in accordance with very definite plans compounded of Egyptian, Babylonian, Indian and East Asiatic models? And why should the same people who did so also have their wives' chins tattooed, their sons circumcised, their dead mummified? Or why should it be the same people who worshiped the Isun and adopted the curiously artificial wingedsun-and-serpent symbolism, who practised terraced irrigation in precisely the same way, who made idols and held similar beliefs regarding them, who had identical stories of the wanderings of the dead

Theory of a land bridge from Africa.-Readers conversant with various. theories of the origin of the American Indians and their culture will recognize immediately the significance of the hypothesis of a land bridge between America and Africa in pre-historic times. The idea is not new but it has been given a new interest because its defense has been taken up recently by M. Joleaud. The existence of such a land bridge extending in recent geologic times from the West Indies to Morocco, would explain most of the heretofore inexplicable similarities between Aztec and Inca civilization on the one hand, and Egyptian civilization on the other. This theory has also been sponsored recently by Professor Leo Wiener of Harvard, in a work entitled Africa and the discovery of America. Professor Wiener induces the aid of philology and archaeology to prove that African negroes, mainly from the neighborhood of the river Niger, crossed the Atlantic and settled in America long before the arrival of Columbus. He claims that many Indian words quoted by Columbus are in reality of African origin; and that the habit of smoking, and the cultivation of certain plants, were practiced by Africans before they were taken up by American Indians.

Theory of a cultural wave across Asia.-Another theory of the origin of ancient civilization in America was presented by Mr. G. Elliot Smith in Science, August 11, 1916. He holds that the distinguishing characteristics of American cultures, such as the mummifying of the dead, the use of irrigation canals and pyramidal structures, come from the ancient civilization of Egypt through a 'great cultural wave.' He believes that this cultural wave passed from the valley of the Nile by way of Assyria into India, Korea, Siberia, the Pacific islands and America. He thinks it started about 900 B. C. He says: "In the whole range of ethnological discussion perhaps no theme has evoked livelier controversies and excited more widespread interest than the problems involved in the mysteries of the wonderful civilization that revealed itself to the astonished Spaniards on their first arrival in America. During the last century,

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in the underworld? If any theory of evolution of customs and beliefs is adequate to explain the independent origin of each item in the extensive repertoire, either of the New Empire Egyptian or the Pre-Columbian American civilization (which I deny), it is utterly inconceivable that the fortuitous combination of hundreds of utterly incongruous and fantastic elements could possibly have happened twice. It is idle to deny the completeness of the demonstration which the existence of such a civilization in America supplies of the fact that it was derived from the late New Empire Egyptian civilization, modified by Ethiopian, Mediterranean, West Asiatic, Indian, Indonesian, East Asiatic and Polynesian influences. The complete overthrow of all the objections of a general nature to the recognition of the facts has already been explained. There is nothing to hinder one, therefore, from accepting the obvious significance of the evidence. Moreover, every link in this chain of connections is admitted by investigators of localized areas along the great migration route, even by those who most strenuously deny the more extensive migrations of culture. The connections of the New Empire Egypt with the Soudan and with Syria and its relations with Babylonia; the intercourse between the latter and India in the eighth and seventh centuries B. C.; the migrations of culture from India to Indonesia and to the farthest limits of Polynesia-all these are well authenticated and generally admitted. All that I claim, then, is that the influence of Egypt was handed on from place to place; that the links which all ethnologists recognize as genuine bonds of union can with equal certainty be joined up into a cultural chain uniting Egypt to America. In almost every one of the focal points along this great migration route the folk-lore of to-day has preserved legends of the culture-heroes who introduced some one or other of the elements of this peculiarly distinctive civilization. Those familiar with the literature of ethnology must be acquainted with hundreds of scraps of corroborative evidence testifying to the reality of the spread postulated. For I have mentioned only a small part of the extraordinary cargo of bizarre practises and beliefs with which these ancient mariners (carrying of course their characteristic ideas of naval construction and craftsmanship) set out from the African coast more than twenty-five centuries ago on the great expedition which eventually led their successors some centuries later to the New World. At every spot where they touched and tarried, whether on the coasts of Asia, the islands of the Pacific or on the continent of America, the new culture took root and flourished in its own distinctive manner, as it was subjected to the influence of the aborigines or to that of later comers of other ideas and traditions; and each place became a fresh focus from which the new knowledge continued to radiate for long ages after the primary inoculation. The first great cultural wave (or the series of waves of which it was composed) continued to flow for several centuries. It must have begun some time after B. C. 900, because the initial equipment of the great wanderers included practises which were not invented in Egypt until that time The last of the series of ripples in the great wave set out from India just after the practise of cremation made its appearance there, for at the end of the series the custom of incinerating the dead made its appearance in Indonesia, Polynesia, Mexico and elsewhere I wish especially to appeal to that band of American ethnologists, whose devoted labors in rescuing the information concerning the

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ethnography of their country have called forth the admiration of all anthropologists, seriously to reconsider the significance of the data they are amassing."

Objection was urged to this theory by Mr. Philip Ainsworth Means in Science, Oct. 13, 1916 He says: "This theory is important. But there are several serious objections to it: (1.) If Mr Elliot Smith is right in thinking that the American aborigines in Mexico, Peru, etc., used pyramidal structures, numerous irrigation systems. and many customs closely resembling those of the ancient Egyptians because their culture was really an offshoot of the Egyptian culture, how can it be explained that in all pre-Columbian America there was no such thing as a wheeled vehicle? Chariots of various sorts were much used in ancient Egypt, as well as in the intervening areas. yet there is not a shred of evidence to prove that the Indians of America ever knew anything even remotely resembling them. Had the founders of American culture come from an area where wheeled vehicles were known, is it not inevitable that they would have made use of such vehicles during their long journey? Does it not seem that wheeled vehicles would be more useful to them than pyramids, and that therefore they would have been remembered first on the arrival of the wanderers in their new land? It is difficult to believe that the American aborigines were the cultural descendants of a wheel-using people, for wheels, being essentially useful, would inevitably have persisted as a feature of their material culture, had that been the case. (2.) In a like manner, one i puzzled by a lack of any ships or vessels of advanced type among the American Indians. Even in Mexico, Yucatan and Peru, where civilization was, in other respects, of a well-advanced type. there were no really complicated vessels before th coming of the Spaniards. On the coast of Ecuador there was found the most elaborate type of boat known to the Indian race. It consisted of a raft of light wood with a flimsy platform on which stood a rude shelter. A simple sail, sometimes even two, was used. Large canoes with sails were also used in Yucatan. Not one of these, however is worthy to be compared with even the earliest and simplest ships used in Egypt. It is known, of course, that boat-building reached very early a high development in Babylonia, India and China. through all of which the 'cultural wave' is said to have passed. (3.) Finally, the date B. C. 900 is altogether too late for the beginning of the alleged migration of cultures. If this migration took place at all, it must have left Egypt much earlier tha this, for we have the Tuxtla statuette (dated about B. C. 100) to prove that even before the com mencement of our era the Maya calendar had already gone through its long preliminary stages and was already in existence in practically its final form. No doubt every one will admit that the period B. C. 900-100 is entirely too short for a 'great cultural wave' to roll from Egypt to America. The year B. C. 1500 is much more likely to be the date needed. In conclusion, the present writer admits that, despite the three objections here noted (and several others), there is a large amount of seemingly corroborative evidence that tends to support the views of Mr. Elliot Smith. It will, however, be a long time before American anthropologists will be forced to accept these views as final, and many tests, based on physical anthropology, history, archeology, etc. will have to be successfully applied before the Egyptian source of American civilization is finally proved."