very highest, drawing thence the fol- O North and South, Its victims both, lowing order: Can ye not cry, By direction of Maj.-Gen. McClellan, "Let Slavery die!” the permit given to the Hutchinson Family And Union find in Freedom? to sing in the camps, and their pass to cross the Potomac, are revoked, and they will not What though the cast-out spirit tear be allowed to sing to the troops." The nation in his going? As the then freshly uttered stanzas We, who have shared the guilt, must share of John G. WHITTIER, which thus The pang of his o’erthrowing! caused the peremptory, ignominious Whate'er the loss, suppression and expulsion of the Whate'er the cross, Shall they complain Hutchinsons, are of themselves a Of present pain memorable and stirring portion of Who trust in God's hereafter? the history of our time, they may fitly—as they will most worthily-close For who that leans on His right arm this volume: Was ever yet forsaken? What righteous cause can suffer harm “ EIN FESTE BURG IST UNSER GOTT." 12 If He its part has taken? (Luther's Hymn.) Though wild and loud WE wait beneath the furnace-blast And dark the cloud, The pangs of transformation: Behind its folds Not painlessly doth God recast His hand upholds And mold anew the nation. The calm sky of To-Morrow! Hot burns the fire Above the madd’ning cry for blood, Where wrongs expire; Above the wild war-drumming, Nor spares the hand Let Freedom's voice be heard, with good That from the land The evil overcoming. Uproots the ancient evil. Give prayer and purse The hand-breadth cloud the sages feared To stay the Curse Its bloody rain is dropping; Whose wrong we share, The poison-plant the fathers spared Whose shame we bear, All else is overtopping. Whose end shall gladden Heaven! East, West, South, North, In vain the bells of war shall ring It curses earth; Of triumphs and revenges, All justice dies, While still is spared the evil thing And fraud and lies That severs and estranges. Live only in its shadow. But blest the ear What gives the wheat-field blades of steel? That yet shall hear What points the rebel cannon? The jubilant bell What sets the roaring rabble's heel That rings the knell On th' old star-spangled pennon? Of Slavery forever! What breaks the oath Then let the selfish lip be dumb, Of th' men o' th' South? And hushed the breath of sighing: What whets the knife Before the joy of peace must come For the Union's life ? The pains of purifying. Hark to the answer: SLAVERY! God give us grace, Then waste no blows on lesser foes, Each in his place, In strife unworthy freemen: To bear his lot. God lifts to-day the vail, and shows And, murmuring not, The features of the demon! Endure and wait and labor! 12 'Our God is a strong fortress,' (or castle.) ADDITIONAL NOTES. I. victions of the Presbyterian Church, and must It is stated on page 119 that "the Synod of operate to mar its peace and seriously hinder its Kentucky adopted a report on Slavery which prosperity, as well as bring reproach on our holy condemned' slaveholding broadly and thorough- religion; and we do hereby call on the Presby tery to review and rectify their position. Such ly," etc. That statement is not literally accurate. doctrine and practice cannot be permanently The Synod met at Danville, in the Autumn of tolerated in the Presbyterian Church. May they 1835, and appointed a Committee of ten-five speedily melt away under the illuminating and ministers and five elders—who were instructed mellowing influence of the Gospel and grace of God our Saviour ! to "digest and prepare a plan for the moral and "We do not, indeed, pronounce a sentence of religious instruction of our slaves, and for their indiscriminate condemnation upon all our brethfuture emancipation," etc. The Committee did ren who are, unfortunately, connected with the its duty faithfully, and the report in due time system of Slavery. We tenderly sympathize appeared—its character being such as is indicated with all those who deplore the evil, and are in the text. The result was duly submitted to honestly doing all in their power for the present well-being of their slaves, and for their comthe Synod at its next meeting, at Bardstown, in plete emancipation. We would aid, and not 1836; but no action was taken thereon, beyond embarrass, such brethren. And yet, in the lannoting on the Synod's records the reception of guage of the General Assembly of 1818, we the report, which had meantime been printed, would 'earnestly warn them against unduly exand had excited some feeling among the slave tending the plea of necessity; against making it a cover for the love and practice of Slavery, holders. or a pretense for not using efforts that are lawII. ful and practicable to extinguish this evil.' The statement on page 120, respecting the Upon the announcement of this vote, Rev. attitude of the New School Presbyterian Church James G. Hamner, of the Synod of Virginia toward Slavery, is held by members of that presented the protest of twenty-two Southern Church to require qualification, in view of its members of the Assembly against this doctrine more recent action on the subject. The mate of the Report, saying: rial facts are as follows: "We protest-Because, while past General At the session of the General Assembly at Assemblies have asserted that the system of Cleveland, Ohio, for 1857, a report on Slavery Slavery is wrong, they have heretofore affirmed of the Committee on Bills and Overtures, after that the slaveholder was so controlled by State having been debated with great animation for laws, obligations of guardianship, and humanity, that he was, as thus situated, without censure the better part of a week, was finally adopted or odium as the master. This averment in the (June 3d), by the decisive majority of 169 yeas testimony of past Assemblies has so far satisto 26 nays. This report is largely devoted to a fied the South, as to make it unnecessary to do recital of the former testimonies of the Presby- more than protest against the mere anti-Slavery terian Church on the general subject, and is part of such testimony. leveled at the new Southern doctrine that Sla "We protest, then, now, That the present act of the Assembly is such an assertion, without very is essentially beneficent and just-a doc authority from the word of God, or the organic trine notoriously at variance with that originally law of the Presbyterian body. maintained by this Church. The Report says: “We protest that such action is, under preWe are especially pained by the fact that sent conditions, the virtual exscinding of the the Presbytery of Lexington, South, have given South, whatever be the motives of those who official notice to us that a number of ministers vote the deed. and ruling elders, as well as many church-mem "We protest, that such indirect excision is bers, in their connection, hold slaves 'from unrighteous, oppressive, uncalled for the exprinciple' and 'of choice,' believing it to be, ercise of usurped power-destructive of the according to the Bible, right,' and have, without unity of the Church-hurtful to the North and any qualifying explanation, assumed the respon the South and adding to the peril of the Union sibility of sustaining such ministers, elders, and of these United States." church-members, in their position. We deem it From the date of this action which seems to our duty, in the exercise of our constitutional have been but a more explicit reaffirmance of authority, 'to bear testimony against error in the older testimonies of the Church against Sladoctrine, or immorality in practice, in any church, very, and to have stopped far short of declaring Presbytery, or Synod,' to disapprove and earnestly condemn the position which has been thus slaveholding inconsistent with the Christian assumed by the Presbytery of Lexington, South, character--the New School Presbyterian Church as one which is opposed to the established con- had hardly a foothold in the Slave States. County, and several others, were present. As I entered, the conversation ceased. They were evidently discussing the propriety of firing upon. Fort Sumter. Two or three of them withdrew to a corner of the room; and I heard Gilchrist say to the Secretary of War, 'It must be done. Delay two months, and Alabama stays in the Union. You must sprinkle blood in the faces of the people. The Secretary of War in question was Mr. Leroy Pope Walker, also a citizen of Huntsville, who made, the evening after Fort Sumter's surrender, a public proclamation that the Rebels would have possession of Washington City within a month. He was an original Secessionist; while Senator Clemens, with most of the people of their county (Madison), clung to the Union, so long as they could with safety. That Mr. Clemens has fabricated such a statement with regard to two of his neighbors, by whom it might so easily be refuted, if untrue, will hardly be suggested. III. The Albany Evening Journal of May 20th, 1861, commenting on a very abusive attack on Gov. Seward, in a then recent Richmond Whig, with regard to his assurances to or through Judge Campbell, respecting Fort Sumter, says: “If the Secretary of State were at liberty to reply to ex-Judge Campbell, revealing all that passed between them on several occasions, not only no imputation of insincerity would rest upon the Secretary, but the facts would seriously affect Judge Campbell's well-established reputation for candor and frankness. These revelations would furnish no evidence of either the * falsehood' or duplicity' of Governor Seward; for there was nothing of either in his conversations. "We violate no confidence in saying that Judge Campbell balanced long between Loyalty and Secession; the preponderance, up to a late day, being in favor of the Union. If he at any time looked with favor or satisfaction upon Secession, he was much and generally misunderstood. If he did not seriously contemplate remaining in the Union and upon the Bench, he was misunderstood. If, during that period of mental trial, he was acting in harmony with the leading enemies of the Union, he was grossly misunderstood. "T Gov. Seward conversed freely with Judge Campbell, we do not deny; nor do we doubt, that, in those conversations, at one period, he intimated that Fort Sumter would be evacuated. He certainly believed so; founding his opinion upon a knowledge of Gen. Scott's recommendation. Subsequently, the President deemed it his duty to authorize an effort to reënforce and provision that fortress. We do not know whether Gov. Seward met Judge Campbell after that change of purpose; but he was not at liberty, if they did meet, to reveal what was so well kept. “But, whatever Gov. Seward said or intimated to Judge Campbell, was true at the time it was said. “That Judge Campbell reported to the Confederate President half that he said or intimated, is more than doubtful." IV. The statement on pages 449–50, that the original attack on Fort Sumter was impelled by a stringent, imperative political necessity—that hostilities were inaugurated, to prevent the else inevitable crumbling away and utter collapse of the Confederacy--has received additional confirmation since that portion of this work was stereotyped, through an averment of Hon. Jere. Clemens, late U.S. Senator from Alabama, who, in a Union meeting held at the city of his residence, Huntsville, Ala., March 13, 1864, said: - Before I declare this meeting adjourned, I wish to state a fact in relation to the commencement of the war: Some time after the ordinance of Secession was passed, I was in Montgomery, and called upon President Davis, wko was in that city. Davis, Memminger, the Secretary of War, Gilchrist, the member from Lowndes V. That the speedy capture and occupation of Washington by the Confederates were confidently anticipated by their chiefs, as among the earliest and most inevitable results of the War they were inaugurating, has, perhaps, been sufficiently established in due course; but, since the Governors of Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri, with others, boldly and broadly charged President Lincoln with wantonly inaugurating civil war, by his Proclamation calling out 75,000 militia for the defense of the Federal metropolis, it may be proper to accumulate evidence on this head. Here is what Wm. H. Russell, The Times's correspondent, who was in the South when Sumter was reduced, records in his Diary,' under the date of April 20th, 1861, just after dining at Charleston with W. H. Trescott, W. Porcher Miles, Gov. Manning, and other pioneers of Disunion : "The Secessionists are in great delight over Gov. Letcher's proclamation, calling out troops and volunteers; and it is hinted that Washington will be attacked, and the nest of Black Republican vermin, which haunt the capital, be driven out. VI. It is stated on page 348, that the North Carolina Convention, which ultimately passed an Ordinance of Secession, was the same which the people of that State originally elected to keep her in the Union, and decided should not meet. The fact appears to have been otherwise that the Convention which did the deed was a new one, elected just after the reduction of Fort Sumter, and under the popular conviction that Mr. Lin, coln was .waging an unprovoked war on the South.' ANALYTICAL INDEX. A. ALTON, Ill., LOVEJOY's speech at the Court House of, 138; Federal property taken thither from St. Louis, 490. See LOVEJOY, and The St. Louis Observer. irreverent and infidel' tendencies of, 121; they oppose AMERICAN SOCIETY for promoting National Uni- ty, The, 439; programme of, 439-40. Courier accuses him of commencing civil war, 403 attempt to relieve him by the Star of the West, 412 confers with Col. Lamon, 442; is notified that he will be attacked, 443; surrenders the fort, 448; his report to the Secretary of War, 449; is in command in Kentucky; ANDERSON, RICHARD C., of Ky., appointed to at- tend the Panama Congress, 268-9. from, to Robt. G. Evans, 51; letter to Jefferson on the to the Chicago Convention, 321; his correspondence 1797, 83; his Treaty with the Indians in 1798, 102. ANDREWS, T. A., of Phila., letter refusing the use of his ball to George W. Curtis, 367. ANNAPOLIS, Md., landing of Gen. Butler at, 469. crisis, 381-2; allusion to, 404. ARCHY, a fugitive slave in California, 218. ARISTA, GEN., defeated at Palo Alto, 187. ARKANSAS, legislative enslavement of free ne- U. S. Census, 22; value of implements of, by do., 23. Convention, 315; 341 ; secession of, and vote thereon, 348; population in 1860, 351; progress of secession in; Convention votes not to secede, 486: Ordinance of se- cession passed; the nature of her tenure to her soil action of the conservatives, '487; seizure of Fort Smith, tion, 157; the Union' party triumph in, 211; Legisla- ment in, 515. ARMSTRONG, COMMANDER, orders the surrender of the Pensacola forts, 412. ATCHISON, DAVID R., his advice to the Border Ruffians, 237; surrounds Lawrence with an army of tions to reject petitions for the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia, 146. ATLANTIC STATES, The, poverty of at close of Revolution, 18; obstacles to transportation in, 19. AUGHEY, REV. JOHN A., of Miss., reference to, 350; extract from his “Iron Furnace," 514. 411; a letter from, in testimony of the common use of deadly weapons by the Southrons, 500. citation from, “Death to the Abolitionist," 128; cita- AUSTIN, MOSES, 148. District of Columbia, 142; retaken by Unionists, 533. AVERY, WILLIAM W., of N. C., 278; his resolves speech there, 311; 318. AVIS, CAPT. JOHN, referred to in one of John AYRES, CAPT., engaged at Blackburn's Ford, 539. B. BERRIEN, JOHN M., of Ga., 268. BIG SPRINGS, Kansas, Free-State meeting at, 240. BINGHAM, JOHN A., of Ohio, 570. BIRNEY, JAMES G., candidate for President, 167. BLACK JACK, Kansas, battle of, 244. BLACK, JEREMIAH S., his opinion of Secession, BLAIR, COL. FRANK P., 490; has an interview with Gen, Price, 491; his strictures on Gen. Scott, 5413 9; 555; offers a resolve to expel John B. Clark, 562. BLAKEY, GEO. D., in Chicago-Convention, 321. BLUE MILLS LANDING, Mo., Union defeat at, 587. BOONEVILLE, Mo., Rebels defeated at, 574. 471; Gen. Butler takes possession of, 471; 472; 528–9. further resolves, 236; 237; 238; numerous outrages by, piety by John Brown, 286; allusion to, 490. BOREMAN, ARTHUR J., chairman of the Wheel ing Convention, 518. Smith, 488. ceeds Gen. Patterson, 539; 620; at Ball's Bluff, 624. souri question, 78; respectable Pro-Slavery mob at, 127; repugnance to the Bugitive Slave Law, 215. Boston Courier, The, on Secession, etc., 356. BOTELER, A. R., of Va., 372. again chosen, 250. BRAGG, GEN. BRAXTON, his order as to Fort BRAINE, LIEUT., commanding the Monticello, 601. BRANCH, ADJT., (Rebel,) killed at Bull Run, 545. BRANSON, JACOB, arrested by Sheriff Jones, 242. BRECKINRIDGE, JOHN C., nominated for Vice- President, 246; elected, 248; vote for, in the Douglas Convention, 318; nominated for President, 319; 322; review of the canvass, 323 to 326; classified table of the Lincoln duly elected, 419; 421; 437; is answered by Douglas, 441; vote cast for him in Kentucky, 492, 56 5; flees to the Confederacy, 614; his Address, 615. BRECKINRIDGE, SENATOR, Jefferson's letter to, 85. BRECKINRIDGE, REV. ROBT. J., 495. BRESHWOOD, CAPT., surrenders the cutter Mc- Clellan to the Rebels, 413. BRIGGS, Gov. GEO. N., of Mass., 106; appoints Samuel Hoar as Commissioner to Charleston, 180. BRIGHT, JESSE D., of Ind., 197. BRINCKERHOFF, JACOB, of Ohio, 189. BROWN, AARON V., sends T. W. Gilmer's letter to Gen. Jackson, 158. BROWN, ALBERT G., of Miss., visits Buchanan, 277; his interview, 278; 373. BROWN, B. GRATZ, at Chicago Convention, 32). BROWN, COL., (Union,) at Chicamicomico, 600. BROWN, COL. HARVEY, at Fort Pickens, 601. BROWN, DAVID PAUL, 126. BROWN, FREDERICK, killed by Martin White, 284. vention, 337; his Message, urging Secession, 347. ܐ |