MR. BUCHANAN TO JEFFERSON DAVIS. former class, though few at first, had been steadily gaining from the latter. Each of these were constantly, openly saying, "Give us our rights in the Union, or we will secure them by going out of the Union." When, therefore, they received messages of sympathy and cheer from their Northern compatriots in many arduous struggles, they could not but understand their assurances of continued and thorough accord as meaning what was implied by like assurances from Southern sources. Among the captures by Gen. Grant's army, during his glorious Mississippi campaign of 1863, were several boxes of the letters and private papers of Jefferson Davis, found in an out-house on a plantation between Jackson and Vicksburg. Several of these letters were given to the public by their captors, many of them bearing the signatures of Northern men of note, who have never denied their authenticity. These letters throw a clear light on the state of Southern opinion which induced the Secession movement of 1860–61, and are therefore essential contributions to the history of that period. As such, a portion of them will here be given. 511 You may ask, why has it not been published? The answer is very easy. From a careful examination of the proceedings in Congress, it is clear that Non-Intervention is all that will be required by the South. Webster's it is lauded to the echo by distinguished speech is to be the base of the compromise Southern men and what is it? Non-intervention; and Non-Intervention simply because the Wilmot Proviso is not required to prevent the curse of Slavery from being inflicted on the Territories. Under these circumstan ces, it would be madness in me to publish my letter, and take higher ground for the South than they have taken for themselves. This would be to out-Herod Herod, and to be more Southern than the South. It could do no good, but might do much mischief. "The truth is, the South have got them selves into a condition on this question 17 "I say for my own sake, because I can never yield the position which I have deliberately taken in favor of the Missouri Compromise; and I shall be assailed by fanatics and free-soilers as long as I live, for having gone further in support of the rights of the South than Southern Senators and Representatives. I am committed for the shall stand. "Should there be any unexpected change in the aspect of affairs at Washington which would hold out the hope that the publication of my Missouri Compromise letter would do any good, it shall yet be published." In this spirit, Northern aspirants and office-seekers had for years been 17 Mr. Webster's deplorably famous speech of March 7th, 1850. egging on the leaders of Southern opinion to take higher ground in opposition to Northern fanaticism' and in assertion of Southern rights.' Gen. John A. Quitman, of Mississippi-an able and worthy disciple of Mr. Calhoun-in a letter written shortly before his death, stated that Senator Douglas, just prior to the Cincinnati Convention of 1856, made complaints to him of the disposition of Southern men to be too easily satisfied, substantially like those of Mr. Buchanan, just quoted. He suggested that they should boldly demand all their rights, and accept nothing less. In this spirit, the following letter from a leading Democrat of Illinois, formerly Governor of that State, was written after the secession of South Carolina: "BELLVILLE, Ill., Dec. 28, 1860. "DEAR FRIENDS: I write to you because I cannot well avoid it. I am, in heart and soul, for the South, as they are right in the principles and possess the Constitution. "If the public mind will bear it, the seat of Government, the Government itself, and the Army and Navy, ought to remain with the South and the Constitution. I have been promulgating the above sentiment, although it is rather revolutionary. A Provisional Government should be established at Washington to receive the power of the out-going President, and for the President elect to take the oath of office out of slave territory. "Now I come to the point. All the Slave States must separate from the North and come together. The Free States will not concede an atom, but are bent on the destruction of Slavery. Why, in God's name, cannot the Northern Slave States see this fact, as clear as noonday before their eyes? amend the Constitution so as to protect Slavery more efficiently. "You will pardon this letter, as it proceeds from friendly motives, from "Your friend, JOHN REYNolds. "To the Hon. Jeff. Davis and Ex-Governor Wm. Smith." Prof. Charles W. Hackley, of Columbia College, New York, writing two days earlier to Mr. Davis, to suggest a moderate and reasonable mean between the Northern and the Southern positions respecting the territories, commences: "My sympathies are entirely with the South'". an averment which doubtless meant much more to the receiver than was intended by the writer. Yet it is probable that nine out of every ten letters writ en from the North to the South during that boding Winter, if they touched on public affairs at all, were more exceptionable and misleading than was this one. Ex-President Pierce wrote, almost a year previously, and in prospect of the Presidential nomination for 1860, as follows: CLARENDON HOTEL, Jan. 6, 1860. MY DEAR FRIEND: I wrote you an unsatisfactory note a day or two since. I have just had a pleasant interview with Mr. Shepley, whose courage and fidelity are equal to his learning and talents. He says he would rather fight the battle with you as the standard-bearer, in 1860, than under the auspices of any other leader. The feeling and judgment of Mr. S. in this relation is, I am confident, rapidly gaining ground in New England. Our people are looking for "the Coming Man." One who is raised by all the elements of his character above the atmosphere ordinarily breathed by politicians. A man really fitted for this emergency by his ability, courage, broad statesmanship and patriotism. Col. Seymour (Tho's. H.) arrived here this morning, and expressed his views in this relation in almost the identical language used by Mr. Shepley. It is true that, in the present state of things at Wash "The general secession ought to be accomplished before the 4th of March. Mr. Buchanan deserves immortal honor for keeping down bloodshed. In one hour, by telegraph, he could order Fort Moultrie to fire on Charleston, and the war would rage over the Union. I am, in heart and soul, against war; but the best way to keepington, and throughout the country, no man peace is to be able to defend yourselves. "If the Slave States would unite and form a Convention, they might have the power to coërce the North into terms to can predict what changes two or three months may bring forth. Let me suggest that, in the morning debates of Congress, full justice seems to me not to have been done NORTHERN SYMPATHY WITH 'THE SOUTH.' to the Democracy of the North. I do not believe that our friends at the South have any just idea of the state of feeling, hurrying at this moment to the pitch of intense exasperation, between those who respect their political obligations, and those who have apparently no impelling power but that which a fanatical position on the subject of domestic Slavery imparts. Without discussing the question of right-of abstract power to secede-I have never believed that actual disruption of the Union can occur without blood; and if through the madness of Northern Abolitionists that dire calamity must come, the fighting will not be along Mason and Dixon's line merely. It will be within our own borders, in our own streets, between the two classes of citizens to whom I have referred. Those who defy law and scout constitutional obligations, will, if we ever reach the arbitrament of arms, find occupation enough at home. Nothing but the state of Mrs. Pierce's health would induce me to leave the country now, although it is quite likely that my presence at home would be of little service. I have tried to impress upon our people, especially in N. H. and Connecticut, where the only elections are to take place during the coming Spring, that, while our Union meetings are all in the right direction and well enough for the present, they will not be worth the paper upon which their resolutions are written unless we can overthrow political Abolitionism at the polls, and repeal the unconstitutional and obnoxious laws which in the cause of "Personal Liberty" have been placed upon our statute-books. I shall look with deep shall look with deep interest, and not without hope, for a decided change in this relation. Ever and truly your friend, FRANKLIN PIERCE. Hon. JEFF. DAVIS, Washington, D. C. 6 513 com extinguished, though its more obvious Such are specimens of the North-subtracted from the power and diminern letters wherewith Southern states- ished the efficiency of the North. men were misled into the belief that the North would be divided into hostile camps whenever the South should strike boldly for her 'rights.' It proved a grievous mistake; but it was countenanced by the habitual tone of 'conservative' speakers and journals throughout the canvass of 1860, and thence down to the collision at Sumter. Even then, the spirit which impelled these assurances of Northern sympathy with, and readiness to do and dare for, the South,' was not XIV. Whether there was greater unanimity at the South or at the North in sustaining the Union or the Confederacy in the prosecution of their struggle, will, perhaps, never be conclusively determined. There were moments during its progress when the South appeared almost a unit for Secession, while the disheartened North seemed ready to give up the contest for the Union; as there were crises wherein the Rebellion seemed to reel on the brink of speedy dissolution: but neither of these can justly be taken as an accurate test of the average popular sentiment of the respective sections. Yet we have seen that a majority of the Southern people could never, until frenzied by the capture of Fort Sumter, and by official assurances (undenied in their hearing) that Lincoln had declared unprovoked and utterly unjustifiable war upon them, be induced to lift hostile hands against their country; and that Secession was only forced down the throats of those who accepted it by violence, outrage, and terror. A few additional facts on this head, out of thousands that might be cited, will here be given: 18 made out a Union ticket, and voted it, amidst the frowns and suppressed murmurs of the judges and bystanders; and, as the result proved, I had the honor of depositing the only vote in favor of the Union which was polled in that precinct. I knew of many who were in favor of the Union, but who were intimidated by threats, and by the odium attending it, from voting at all." Such was the case at thousands of polls throughout the South, or wherever the Confederates were strong enough to act as their hearts prompted. Mr. Clingman's boast, in the Senate, that free debaters' were hanging on trees' down his way, was uttered, it should be noted, in December, 1860. And thus it was that several Counties in Tennessee 1 gave not a single vote against Secession, while Shelby (including Memphis) gave 7,132 for Secession to five against it, and a dozen others gave 19 Rev. John H. Aughey, a Presbyterian clergyman of Northern birth, but settled in Northern Mississippi for some years prior to the outbreak of the Rebellion, in his "Iron Fur-respectively 3, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, of the Rebellion, in his "Iron Fur- 16, 17, 20, 23, and 28 votes for the nace," gives a synopsis of a Seces- Union to many thousands for Secession speech to which he listened in sion. There was only the semblance Atala county, Miss., just after Presi- of an election. "If you vote the dent Lincoln's election, running thus: Union ticket, you must prepare to leave the State," said Senator Mason; and the more reckless and less responsible Secessionists readily trans "The halter is the only argument that should be used against the submissionists; and I predict that it will soon, very soon, be in force. "We have glorious news from Tallahatchie.lated such words into deeds. Where Seven tory submissionists were hanged there in one day; and the so-called Union candidates, having the wholesome dread of hemp before their eyes, are not canvassing the county," etc., etc. When the election was held for delegates to the Convention which assumed the power to take Mississippi out of the Union, Mr. Aughey attended it, and says: "Approaching the polls, I asked for a Union ticket, and was informed that none had been printed, and that it would be advisable to vote the Secession ticket. I thought otherwise; and, going to a desk, 18 Philadelphia, W. S. and Alfred Martin, 1863. Slavery had undivided sway, a voter had just the same liberty to be a Unionist as he had to be an Abolitionist-that is, none at all. But there were many communities, and even entire counties, throughout the South, wherein Slavery had but a nominal or limited existence; as in Texas, thirty-four counties-some of them having each a considerable free population-were returned, in 1860, as containing each less than a hundred slaves. Some of these could be, 1o Franklin, Humphreys, Lincoln. THE PEOPLE FOR THE UNION. 515 and were, controlled by their mana- | mensely strong-in the traditions, ging politicians, holding offices and earning perquisites by the grace of the Slave Power enthroned at the State capital; others were incorrigible, and were managed in this way: In Grayson county (having 8,187 inhabitants, of whom 1,291 were slaves), when Secession was proposed, a county meeting was held, to consider the project; by which, after discussion, it was decided to negative the movement, and hold no election for delegates to the proposed State Convention. This gave the Secessionists the opportunity they wanted. They proceeded to hold an election, and to choose delegates, who helped vote the State out of the Union. And this was one case like many others. Gen. Edward W. Gantt, who had, in August, 1860, been chosen to Congress as an independent Democrat, from the Southern district of Arkansas, and who was an early and ardent Secessionist, testifies, since his reclamation to Unionism, that the poor farmers and other industrious nonslaveholders of his region were never Secessionists-that, where he had always been able to induce three-fourths of them to vote with him as a Democrat, he could not persuade half of them to sustain him as a Secessionist -that their hearts were never in the cause; and that those who could be persuaded to vote for it did so reluctantly, and as though it went against the grain. No rational doubt can exist that, had time been afforded for consideration, and both sides been generally heard, a free and fair vote would have shown an immense majority, even in the Slave States, against Secession. For the Union was strong-im the affections, the instincts, and the aspirations, of the great majority of the American People. Its preservation was inseparably entwined with their glories, their interests, and their hopes. In the North, no one had, for forty years, desired its dissolution, unless on account of Slavery; at the South, the case was essentially the same. No calculations, however imposing and elaborate, had ever convinced any hundred persons, on whichever side of the slave line, that Disunion could be really advantageous to either section. No line could be drawn betwixt 'the South' and the North' which would not leave one or the other exposed to attacknone which six plain citizens, fairly chosen from either section, could be induced to adopt as final. Multitudes who supported Secession did so only as the most efficacious means of inducing the North to repudiate the Black Republicans' and agree to the Crittenden or some kindred Compromise-in short, to bully the North into giving the South her 'rights'never imagining, at the outset, that this could be refused, or that Disunion would or could be really, conclusively effected. Thousands died fighting under the flag of treason whose hearts yearned toward the old banner, and whose aspiration for an ocean-bound republic'-one which should be felt and respected as first among nations--could not be quenched even in their own life-blood. And, on the other hand, the flag rendered illustrious by the triumphs of Gates and Greene and Washington-of Harrison, Brown, Scott, Macomb, and Jackson-of Truxtun, Decatur, Hull, Perry, Porter, and McDonough-was through 6 6 |