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REPUBLICAN CONCESSIONS AND PROFFERS.

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VI. There were very many Republicans-and those by no means without consideration or influence-who would have cheerfully consented to a peaceful withdrawal from the Union of the Cotton States, with such others as might have chosen to accompany them, had these accorded time for decently effecting and assenting to such a separation, after first allow

tion as her people should see fit to frame and adopt-New Mexico being at that moment a Slave Territory by act of her Legislature-to say nothing of the Dred Scott decision. That would have given the South a firm hold on nearly every acre of our present territory whereon she could rationally hope ever to plant Slavery-provided the people of New Mexico should see fit to ingrafting the Free States a fair opportunity Slavery on their State, as they seemed, under Democratic training, to have done on their Territory.

IV. The House-which had become strongly Republican through the withdrawal of most of the representatives from Cotton Statespassed the conciliatory and practical resolves reported by Mr. Corwin from the Committee of Thirty-three -passed them by an overwhelming majority. The Senate would have promptly concurred, had it been intimated or probable that such concurrence would have arrested and rolled back the surge of Secession.

V. Both Houses united in passing the Joint Resolve from said Committee which, being ratified by the required proportion of the States, would have precluded forever any action of Congress adverse to the perpetuation of Slavery in such States as should desire such perpetuation. This, too, would have been readily perfected, had 'the South' evinced any inclination to be satisfied and pacified thereby. But it was very generally treated by them as of no value. Senator Mason, of Virginia, spoke of it derisively as, in substance, one of the planks of the Chicago [Republican] Platform. And the artillery of Secession soon dispelled all desire of, or motive for, ratifying it.

to submit to and urge upon the people of the South their reasons for deprecating it. To this end, the calling of a National Convention and the election of delegates thereto were deemed indispensable prerequisites. Such a Convention could have acted decisively on the main question and all subordinate points-such as the rightful disposal, by apportionment or otherwise, of the public lands and other property belonging to the Union, with the public debt owed by it.

VII. The North did, as we have seen, organize three new Territories at this Session, in utter silence respecting Slavery, and in such manner as left the South' in full ( possession of all the rights accruing to her from the Federal Constitution, as expounded in the Dred Scott decision. This was done, not in accordance with the views and feelings of the Republicans, who reported and passed the bills, but as a peace-offering and a concession to those Southern Unionists who were constantly protesting that they cared nothing for the extension of Slavery-in fact, were rather opposed to it--but would not tamely submit to see a stigma placed on their section and her 'institution' by Northern votes.

Yet all this was fruitless, because the North, in the full flush of a long

by the conquest of more territory, and by the maintenance at all hazards of Slavery in Cuba, etc.—and that all anti-Slavery discussion or expostulation must be systematically suppressed, as sedition, if not treasonsuch was the gist of the Southern requirement. A long-haired, raving Abolitionist in the furthest North, according to 'conservative' ideas, not merely disturbed the equilibrium of Southern society, but undermined the fabric of our National prosperity. He must be squelched," or there could be no further Union. Haman, surrounded by the power and pomp of his dazzling exaltation, bitterly says, "All this availeth me nothing, so long as I see Mordecai, the Jew, sitting at the king's gate.

awaited and fairly achieved triumph, did not see fit to repudiate the cherished and time-honored principle for which it had patiently, ardently struggled. No other successful party was ever before required, at such a moment, to surrender its principle, its consistency, its manhood, on peril of National disruption and overthrow. There was no concession from the other side-no real compromise-but a simple, naked exaction that the Republicans should stultify and disgrace themselves, by admitting that they were fundamentally wrong, and that, instead of electing their President, they should have been defeated." What 'the South' and its friends really required of the North was partnership, coöperation, complicity, in the work of extending, diffusing, and forti- Hence the South' would accord no fying Slavery, such as it had secured in time, allow no canvass by Northern the annexation of Texas. That Slave- men of the Slave States in the hope ry was a great National interest-the of disabusing their people of the broad and solid base of our industrial | prejudice that we were their natural, economy and commercial prosperity implacable enemies."" They gave -the slaves confined, indeed, to one section of the Union, because there most profitably employed, but laboring for the benefit of Northern 20 manufacturers and merchants as much as for that of Southern planters and factors that we must all watch and work to give that interest wider scope

19 The Cincinnati Enquirer of January 15, 1861, has a letter from 'A Citizen of Highland County,' which puts the case squarely thus:

"There is only one possible remedy which can save the country, and restore harmony and peace; and that is a total abandonment of the dogmas of Lincoln, and the adoption of another and opposite object-'the recognition of the equality of all the States in the territories of the United States, and the strict enforcement of all the laws protecting and securing slave property under the Constitution.' This principle is recognized in the proposition of Senator Crittenden; and when the madness and violence of such men as John Sherman, Ben. Wade, and Horace Greeley shall be humbled, and when wise and patriotic statesmen shall be looked for and found as guides and coun

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us but this alternative-" Consent to
Disunion-let us wrest from the Re-
public such portion of it as we choose
to have or meet us in the shock of
battle!
Your country or your
life!"

-And so we were plunged into the horrors of Civil War.

selors for the peace of the nation, then may we rejoice in the prospect of restoring our country to that prosperity and happiness which we had before the spirit of Abolitionism and of hate blasted this fair heritage of our fathers. Let the entire South to the border, including Kentucky, Maryland, Virginia, and Missouri, take a bold, dignified, and patriotic position, and demand as a right that which the North-redeemed from the curse of Abolitionism-will have the magnanimity and patriotism to yield."

20 See Judge Woodward's speech, page 364. 21 See Mayor Henry's speech; also his letter forbidding G. W. Curtis's lecture, pages 363–7. 22 Esther v., 13.

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23 See Senator Clingman, page 373.

FIRST EFFECTS OF SECESSION.

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XXVI.

THE UNION-THE CONFEDERACY.

noted that at Baltimore, though no formal celebration was had, people seemed relieved and cheerful; the streets were gayly crowded, and business was better. At Washington, Mr. Garnett, of Virginia, exultingly announced the fact of South Carolina's secession in the House; whereupon, three or four Southrons clapped their hands. There was no further public manifestation in Congress; and none north of the Virginia line, save in Wilmington, as aforesaid.

IF Hudibras was right in his as- | apprehensive, and paralyzed, it was sumption, that there is and can be no fighting where one party gives all the blows the other being content with meekly and patiently receiving them then it might be plausibly contended that our great Civil War was initiated by the bombardment of Fort Sumter, or by the attempt to supply its famishing garrison, some weeks after Mr. Lincoln's inauguration. But Wit stands opposed to Reason in this case, as in many others. The first at tempt in the interest of Secession to dispossess the Union, by force, of any property or position held by it, even though not seriously opposed, was as truly an act of war as though it had been desperately resisted, at the cost of hundreds of lives.

The Secession of South Carolina' was hailed with instant and general exultation by the plotters of Disunion in nearly every Slave State. There were celebrations, with parades, music, cannon-firing, speeches, etc., on that evening or the following day, at New Orleans, Mobile, Memphis, etc. Even at Wilmington, Del., where the Secessionists were few indeed, the event was honored by a salute of a hundred guns. Senator Andrew Johnson was still more honored, on the 22d, by being burned in effigy by the Secessionists of Memphis. While the Northern cities were anxious,

1 December 20, 1860.

2 The Charleston Mercury of the 22d said: "The garrison in our harbor will not be strengthened. The reënforcement of the forts,

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A mere handful of Federal troops, under Maj. Robert Anderson, watched rather than garrisoned the forts in Charleston harbor. Of these, Fort Moultrie, though the older and weaker, was mainly tenanted by the soldiers, being the more convenient to the city; but it could not have been held a day against a serious assault. Its garrison found themselves suddenly surrounded by scowling, deadly foes, too numerous to be resisted. During the night of the 26th, Maj. Anderson properly and prudently transferred his entire command to Fort Sumter, taking with them, or after them, all provisions, munitions, etc., that could conveniently be transported. The removal was effected by means of two schooners, which made. several trips during the night, passing directly by the harbor guard-boat

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at this time and under present circumstances, means coërcion-war. When the forts are demanded and refused to be delivered up to those in whom is invested the title of eminent domain, and for whose defense and protection alone they

Nina, and affecting no concealment. A full moon was shining in a clear sky. When all that could be had been removed, the remaining guncarriages, etc., were burnt, so as to prevent their use in any future attack upon Sumter. No resistance was offered; perhaps none of a serious nature could have been; for Maj. Anderson's act was evidently unanticipated in Charleston; but it was gravely complained of as a breach of faith - President Buchanan, it was implied, rather than distinctly alleged,' having promised that the military status should not be changed, without due notice. The news of Anderson's movement sent a thrill through the hearts of many, who felt that we were silently drifting toward a sea of fraternal blood.

Almost simultaneously with this transfer, a popular excitement was aroused in Pittsburgh, Pa., by information that an order had been received from the War Department for

were ceded and built up; and when, the Federal Government showing a hostile purpose, it shall become necessary and proper for us to obtain possession, then it will be right for the world and Black Republicanism to expect that the State, by her authorities, will move in the premises. The people will obey the call for war, and take the forts."

The Charleston Courier of December 4, 1860, has a speech by Mr. Edward M'Crady at a Secession meeting in that city a few days previously, which concludes as follows:

"I do not counsel any precipitate action; nor do I fear anything from the forts-they are ours, not merely in part. They were placed there on our soil for our protection; and, whenever the separation comes, they must fall into our possession. They will be ours as surely as we secede; and we will secede as surely as the sun will rise to-morrow."

3 The Charleston Courier of the 29th said: "Major Robert Anderson, United States Army, has achieved the unenviable distinction of opening civil war between American citizens by an act of gross breach of faith. He has, under counsels of a panic, deserted his post at Fort Moultrie, and, under false pretexts, has transferred his

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an extensive transfer of arms, especially of heavy ordnance, from the Alleghany Arsenal near that place to the South and South-West." That such transfers had been quietly going on for months, did not reconcile the stanch Republicans of our American Birmingham to further operations of the kind, now palpably in the interest of Southern treason. public meeting was called; dispatches sent to Washington; and an order obtained suspending the meditated transfer. The citizens' meeting was held on the evening of the 27th; and its resolves, while they deprecated any lawless resistance to official orders, called urgently on the President to purge his Cabinet of every one known to be in complicity with treason or rebellion against the Federal Government and Union.

John B. Floyd, Secretary of War, resigned his post on the 29th, alleging the course of the President, in refusing to order Major Anderson back to

garrison and military stores and supplies to Fort Sumter."

And The Charleston Mercury said:

Major Anderson alleges that the movement was made without orders, and upon his own responsibility, and that he was not aware of such an understanding. He is a gentleman, and we will not impugn his word or his motives. But it is due to South Carolina and to good faith that the act of this officer should be repudiated by the Government, and that the troops be removed forthwith from Fort Sumter.”

4 The order was as follows:

"Send immediately to Ship Island, near Balize, (mouth of Mississippi), 46 cannon, and to Galveston 78 cannon," naming the kinds.

The schedule was as follows:

21 ten-inch Columbiads, 15,200 lbs.=319,200 lbs. 21 eight-inch ditto 9,240

4 32-pounders (iron), 46 to Ship Island.

7,250"

Total weight of metal,

23 ten-inch Columbiads, 15,200 lbs. 48 eight-inch ditto

7 32-pounders (iron),

78 to Galveston.

=194,040 " 29,000"

542,240 lbs.

9,240" 7,250

349,600 lbs.

=443,520 "

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50,750"

Total weight of metal, 843,870 lbs.

SOUTH CAROLINA ON THE OFFENSIVE.

409

Fort Moultrie, as his reason. He as-remained but five hours in Charlesserted that he had promised South ton; having learned within that time Carolina that no change should be that the rulers of South Carolina made in the disposition of our forces would make no promises and enter in Charleston harbor-which is ex- into no arrangements which did not ceedingly probable. He asked per- recognize or imply the independence mission to "vindicate our honor, and of their State. He returned directly prevent civil war" by "withdrawing to Washington, where his report was the Federal garrison altogether from understood to have been the theme the harbor of Charleston." This not of a stormy and protracted Cabinet being accorded, he declared that he meeting. could no longer hold his office, "under my convictions of patriotism, nor with honor." The President mildly accepted his resignation, and appointed Joseph Holt, of Kentucky, to succeed him.

By the middle of December, Hon. Caleb Cushing, of Mass., was dispatched to Charleston by President Buchanan as a Commissioner or confidential agent of the Executive. His errand was a secret one. But, so far as its object was allowed to transpire, he was understood to be the bearer of a proffer from Mr. Buchanan that he would not reënforce Major Anderson, nor initiate any hostilities against the Secessionists, provided they would evince a like pacific spirit, by respecting the Federal authority down to the close of his Administration—now but a few weeks distant. Gen. Cushing had been in Charleston a few months earlier as an antiDouglas delegate to, and President of, the Democratic National Convention, and then stood in high favor with her aristocracy: on this occasion, however, he was soon given to understand that he had fallen from grace; that his appearance in the character of an advocate or representative of Federal authority had cast a sudden mildew on his popularity in that stronghold of Secession. He

Directly after Major Anderson's removal to Fort Sumter, the Federal arsenal in Charleston, containing many thousand stand of arms and a considerable quantity of military stores, was seized by the volunteers, now flocking to that city by direction of the State authorities; Castle Pinckney, Fort Moultrie, and Sullivan's Island, were likewise occupied. by them, and their defenses vigorously enlarged and improved. The Custom-House, Post-Office, etc., were likewise appropriated, without resistance or commotion; the Federal officers having them in charge being original, active, and ardent Secessionists. The lights in the light-houses were extinguished, and the buoys in the intricate channel of the harbor were removed, so that no ocean craft could enter or depart without the guidance of a special pilot. Additional fortifications, defending the city and commanding the harbor approaches, were commenced and pushed rapidly forward; some of them having direct reference, offensive and defensive, to Fort Sumter. And still the volunteers came pouring in; nearly all from the interior of South Carolina; though abundant proffers of military aid were received from all parts of the South. The first company from another State, con

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