"In other words, gentlemen, it seems to me—and I know I speak the wishes of my constituents, that, while I abhor coercion, in one sense, as war, I wish to preserve the dignity of the government of these United States as well. [Applause.]"

Mr. Elseffer's amendment was thereupon withdrawn, and the original resolutions unanimously adopted. They are eight in number; where

of the first affirms that "the crisis

into which the country has been thrown" has been produced by "the conflict of sectional passions;" and that the calamities now imminent of civil war can only be averted by concessions. The second condemns a resort to civil war, on the part of the Federal Government, asserting that "civil war will not restore the Union, but will defeat, for ever, its reconstruction." The third calls for conciliation, concession, and compromise, declaring that “it would be monstrous to refuse them." The fourth declares that it is eminently fit that we should listen to the appeals of loyal men in the Border States. The fifth approves of the Crittenden proposition, and urges that it be submitted by the Legislature to a vote of the electors of this State. The sixth urges npon Congress "adequate measures of con

4 The Albany Argus, for example, of November 10, 1860-four days after the election of Mr. Lincoln-thus clearly and temperately expressed the view generally taken of the Secession movement by the Democratic journals of the Free States:

"We are not at all surprised at the manifestations of feeling at the South. We expected and predicted it; and for so doing were charged by the Republican press with favoring disunion; while, in fact, we simply correctly appreciated the feeling of that section of the Union. We sympathize with and justify the South, as far as this-their rights have been invaded to the extreme limit possible within the forms of the Constitution, and, beyond this limit, their feel

ture to take steps toward the summoning of a Convention of the States. The seventh urges a compliance with the request of the Legislature of Virginia for a meeting of Commissioners at Washington, and asks the Legislature of New York to appoint Commissioners thereto; and, in case of its failure, names seven eminent citizens-not one of them a Republicanas such Commissioners. The eighth implores "the States in the attitude of secession to stay the sword and save the nation from civil war," so as to give time for perfecting a compromise; appealing also to the nonseceded Southern States to act in a similar spirit. Committees were appointed to present these resolutions to Congress and to the State Legislature, as also to correspond with other States; and then the Convention adjourned, after empowering its President to reconvene it in his dis

6

cretion.

The action of this Convention was of great moment under two distinct aspects; first, as indicating truly and clearly the light in which the Secession movement was regarded by the conservative' politicians of the North; secondly, as revealing to the

ings have been insulted and their interests and honor assailed by almost every possible form of denunciation and invective; and, if we deemed it certain that the real animus of the Republican party could be carried into the administration of the Federal Government, and become the permanent policy of the nation, we should think that all the instincts of self-preservation and of manhood rightfully impelled them to a resort to revolution and a separation from the Union, and we would applaud them and wish them God speed in the adoption of such a remedy."

In the same spirit, The Rochester Union, two or three days later, argued that the threatened secession of the Slave States was but a counterpoise of the Personal Liberty bills and other

South the probable action of those conservatives,' should the Union be constrained to defend itself by force against a slaveholding effort for its disintegration and overthrow. And, whatever may have been the intent of those assembled, it is certain that the sentiments expressed by Messrs. Parker, A. B. Johnson, Seymour, Thayer, etc., and the approving response which they elicited, were hailed by the engineers of Secession as proof positive that they would either not be forcibly opposed at all, or would have no difficulty in overcoming, by the help of their sympathizing friends and allies in the Free States, any

measures of antagonism to slaveholding at the North. Said The Union :

"Restricting our remarks to actual violations of the Constitution, the North have led the way, and for a long period have been the sole offenders or aggressors. For many years, laws have been on the statute-books of Northern States, which were passed with the avowed object of preventing the 'delivering up' of fugitive slaves, which the Constitution says, 'shall be delivered up.' Owing to their different circumstances, Northern States have been enabled to secure their cherished object by violating the Constitution in a way that does not necessitate secession from, or a dissolution of, the Union. Owing to their peculiar circumstances, the Southern States cannot retaliate upon the North without taking ground for secession from or a dissolution of the Union. But, in resorting to this mode and measure of redress, they simply followed the example set by Northern States in violating the Constitution to such an extent as they deem necessary to secure their objects. The Northern States stopped at one given point in their career of nullification, because they had no object to gain by going further. The Southern States propose to stop at another given point, which, in their judgment, is indicated by the necessities of their position."

The "Peace Conference," or Congress, so called, was assembled on the unanimous invitation of the Legisla

neither Mr. Buchanan nor Mr. Lincoln will employ force against the seceding States. If South Carolina, or any other State, through a convention of her people, shall formally separate herself from the Union, probably both the present and the next Executive will simply let her alone, and quietly allow all the functions of the Federal Government within her limits to be suspended. Any other course would be madness; as it would at once enlist all the Southern States in the controversy, and plunge the whole country into a civil war. The first gun fired in the way of forcing a seceding State back to her allegiance to the Union, would probably prove the knell of its final dismemberment. As a matter of policy and wisdom, therefore, independent of the question of right, we should deem resort to force most disastrous."

6 The New York Herald of November 9th-the third day after that of the Presidential electionin its leading editorial, had said:

"For far less than this [the election of Lincoln], our fathers seceded from Great Britain; and they left revolution organized in every State, to act whenever it is demanded by public opinion. The confederation is held together only by public opinion. Each State is organized as a complete government, holding the purse and wieldof the confederation as a nation might break a treaty, ing the sword, possessing the right to break the tie ***Coercion, if it were possible, is out and to repel coërcion as a nation might repel invaof the question."

The Charleston Courier of November, 1860, announced the formation of Military organizations in various parts of the North in defense of 'Southern rights.' Allentown, Pa., was specified as one of the points at which such forces were mustering and drilling.

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to the Convention in such form as the respective States desiring the same may deem proper:

"This convention does, therefore, recommend to the several States to unite with Kentucky in her application to Congress to call a Convention for proposing amendments to the Constitution of the United States, to be submitted to the Legislatures of the several States, or to conventions therein, for ratification, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by Congress, in accordance with the provision in the fifth article of the Constitution :"

which was defeated by the following

NOES-Delaware, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Virginia, Kansas-13.

Mr. Seddon's project, excluding that part which provides for State secession, was likewise moved as a substitute, and defeated by the following vote:

Ays-Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, Virginia-4.

NOES-Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, New Hampshire, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Vermont, Kansas-16.

Mr. James B. Clay," of Kentucky, now moved a very long substitute, which was substantially Mr. Seddon's over again; which was rejected by the following vote:

Ays-Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia-5.

NOES-Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Maine, Massachusetts, Maryland, New Jersey, New York, New Hampshire, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Ver

mont-14.

Mr. Tuck's proposition, consisting of an address and three resolves, was now moved as a substitute. His resolves were as follows:

"1st. Resolved, That this Convention rec

the Constitution of the United States gives no power to Congress, or any branch of the Federal Government, to interfere in any manner with Slavery in any of the States; and we are assured, by abundant testimony, that neither of the great political organizations existing in the country contemplates a violation of the spirit of the Constitution in this regard, or the procuring of any amendment thereof, by which Congress, or any department of the General Government, shall ever have jurisdiction over Slavery in any of the States.

"2d. Resolved, That the Constitution was

ordained and established, as set forth in the preämble, by the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity; and when the people of any State are not in full enjoyment of all the benefits intended to be secured to them by the Constitution, or their rights under it are disregarded, their tranquillity disturbed, their prosperity retarded, or their liberty imperiled, by the people of any other State, full and adequate redress can and ought to be provided for such grievances.

"3d. Resolved, That this Convention recommend to the Legislatures of the several States of the Union to follow the example of the Legislatures of the States of Kentucky and Illinois, in applying to Congress to call a Convention for the proposing of amendments to the Constitution of the United States, pursuant to the fifth article thereof."

The Conference refused thus to substitute, by the following vote:

Ays-Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts, New York, New Hampshire, Vermont-9.

NOES-Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey, North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Virginia-11.

The question was next taken on the first section of Mr. Guthrie's plan of constitutional amendment, as folof constitutional amendment, as fol

lows:

of the United States, north of the parallel "SECTION 1. In all the present territory of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes of north latitude, involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line, the status of persons held to involuntary