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ple, and excites the ignorant and the thought- / judgment, it shall appear that our feelings, less in our midst to hate and persecute them? | in the slightest degree warped, have appaBe not deceived. Let me not prophesy | rently inflicted any injury, she is noble and smooth things, and cry Peace, when there generous enough manfully to repair it. Let is no peace. Let the truth be spoken, be the Fugitive Slave Law be executed in its heard, be pondered, if we mean to save the full intent and spirit. It is the law of the Union.”

land; let it be implicitly obeyed. We might,

perhaps, have desired to have a few of its Judge Woodward concluded his

provisions modified; but let it remain as it address to this non-partisan Union is, however liable these portions may be to meeting after this fashion:

| Northern criticism, if the South deem it ne

cessary for the protection of her rights. Let “Have I not a right to say that a Govern us, too, submit, as we have hitherto cheerment which was all-sufficient for the coun fully done, to the decisions of the Supreme try fifty years ago, when soil and climate Court of the United States. It is the great and State sovereignty were trusted to regu bulwark of the Constitution. Its judgments late the spread of Slavery, is insufficient to- should be final and conclusive, and not be day, when every upstart politician can stir

questioned in any quarter. Whilst the free the people to mutiny against the domestic discussion of every question is the privilege institutions of our Southern neighbors -- of every citizen of the Republic, let us diswhen the ribald jests of seditious editors like countenance any denunciation of Slavery, or Greeley and Beecher can sway legislatures of those who maintain that institution, as and popular votes against the handiwork of

intemperate and wrong, whether they are Washington or Madison-when the scurril- | promulgated in the lecture-room, at the poous libels of such a book as Helper's become litical gathering, or from the sacred desk." a favorite campaign document, and are accepted by thousands as law and gospel both Mr. Theodore Cuyler followed in

when jealousy and hate have extinguished all our fraternal feelings for those who were

a kindred strain, illustrating his noborn our brethren, and who have done us tion of what was required to bring no harm ?"

back the seceders and restore fraterMr. Charles E. Lex (who had voted

nal concord to the Union, as follows: for Lincoln) made an apologetic and

"Let us of the North get back to our true deprecatory speech, wherein he said:

position. Let us first set the example of “However they may suppose the contra- perfect obedience to the Constitution and ry, our affections are not alienated from our the laws; and then, when we shall have Southern friends; and, even now, the rumor pulled the beam from our own eye, we may of any damage to them from a domestic talk to our brother of the mote in his. Let source would bring to their aid a legion of us return the fugitive from labor, as we are young men from this State-ay, and of bound to do; or, if we permit his rescue by those more advanced in life-ready to assist | unlawful violence, compensate his owner for them in the emergency, and willing to shed the loss. Let us repeal our obnoxious Pertheir blood in their defense. I appeal to sonal Liberty bills—those mean evasions of you, citizens of Philadelphia, whether I am the plainest duty; let us receive our brother not speaking the truth. What, then, can we of the South, if he will come among us for a say to them? What more than we have ex- little time, attended by his servant, and perpressed in the resolutions we have offered ? mit him thus to come. We are bound by a If they are really aggrieved by any laws sacred compact not to interfere or meddle upon our statute-books opposed to their with the institution of Slavery as it exists in rights--if, upon examination, any such are many of our sister States; and yet the pulfound to be in conflict with the Constitution pit and the press, and many of our public of these United States-nay, further: if they halls, are eloquent with violent and inflambut serve to irritate our brethren of the matory appeals touching this subject, whose South, whether constitutional or not, I, for mischief, extending far beyond the boundary one, have no objection that they should in- of our own Commonwealth, extends into stantly be repealed. They are not necessary the very heart of neighboring States. Who to our existence as a State. We have lived shall say, fellow-citizens, how much of our without them in years that are past, and we present peril springs from this very cause ? can live without them again. I ain not | Can we wonder that our Southern brother here, however, to concede that, in this re- feels that the heart of his Northern fellowspect, our noble commonwealth has done citizen is shut against him? Can we for et any intentional wrong; but if, in our calm that these appeals have reached the Slaves


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themselves, and filled with dread and appre- ! Of the resolutions in which the hension the once quiet and happy homes of many, very many, Southern masters ? Fel

spirit of this meeting was embodied, low-citizens, although the law may be pow these are the most significant: erless, yet there is a moral force which can and would arrest this evil. I appeal to you

Resolved, 4. That the people of Philadelearnestly-to each one of you individually

phia hereby pledge themselves to the citiby every lawful means in your power, to

zens of the other States that the statuteput an end to the violent and inflamma

books of Pennsylvania shall be carefully tory discussion of this unhappy subject. The

searched at the approaching session of the past, the present, and the future, appeal to

Legislature, and that every statute, if any you eloquently to be true to your country

such there be, which, in the slightest deand to yourselves. Never before has con

gree, invades the constitutional rights of stitutional liberty assumed so fair a form

citizens of a sister State, will be at once reamong men as here with us. Never before,

pealed; and that Pennsylvania, ever loyal to under its influence and protection, has any

the Union, and liberal in construing her obpeople been so speedily and happily borne

ligations to it, will be faithful always in her to great prosperity; until now the imagina

obedience to its requirements. tion sinks in the effort to contemplate that

Resolved, 5. That we recognize the obliglorious future on whose very threshold our

gations of the act of Congress of 1850, comfeet have stood. Can it be that madness

monly known as the Fugitive Slave Law, and fanaticism-can it be that selfishness

and submit cheerfully to its faithful enforceand sectionalism-are about to destroy this ment; and that we point with pride and noblest form of government, freighted as it is

satisfaction to the recent conviction and punwith the highest hopes of humanity? (Loud

ishment, in this city of Philadelphia, of those cheers.)"

wlio had broken its provisions by aiding in

the attempted rescue of a slave, as proof that Mr. Isaac Hazlehurst closed the Philadelphia is faithful in her obedience to the discussion in a far manlier spirit.

law; and furthermore, that we recommend Himself a 'Conservative,' the ‘Amer sage of a law which shall give compensaican' candidate for Governor in 1857. | tion, in case of the rescue of a captured

slave, by the county in which such rescue he had no palinode to offer for North

occurs, precisely as is now done by existing ern 'fanaticism,' and no thought of laws in case of destruction of property by crouching to Southern treason. On

violence of mobs.

Resolved, 6. That, as to the question of the contrary, he spoke, with singular the recognition of slaves as property, and as and manly directness, as follows: to the question of the rights of slaveholders

in the territories of the United States, the "Fellow-citizens, it is no time for party, , people of Philadelphia submit themselves because there are no party questions to be obediently and cheerfully to the decisions of discussed. We are here for the purpose of the Supreme Court of the United States, endeavoring to preserve the Union of these whether now made or hereafter to be made; States. The American Union was made and they pledge themselves faithfully to obperfect by the people of these States, and ! serve the Constitution in these respects, as by the people of these States it is to be the same has been or may be expounded by maintained and preserved. It is not a ques-1 that angust tribunal. And, further: they tion of must be preserved,' but, in the lan- recommend that whatever points of doubt guage of Gen. Jackson, 'it shall be pre- , exist touching these subjects be, in some served.' (Applause.) * * * I say, fellow- amicable and lawful way, forth with submitcitizens, that Pennsylvania has been true to ted to the consideration of said Court; and the Constitution and the Union. She has that its opinion be accepted as the final and always been loyal to it. There is no doubt | authoritative solution of all doubts as to the upon that subject. She has nothing what meaning of the Constitution on controverted ever to repent of; and we will maintain points. these principles as presented by your reso " Resolved, 7. That all denunciations of lutions. I care not where the traitors are Slavery, as existing in the United States, and I care not where they hide themselves--the of our fellow-citizens who maintain that infirst arm that is raised against the Constitu- | stitution, and who hold slaves under it, are tion and the Union, I will bring all that I inconsistent with the spirit of brotherhood have to their defense-all that I have to se and kindness which ought to animate all cure the enforcement of the laws. ("Good!' who live under and profess to support the Cheers.)"

Constitution of the American Union."

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That the meaning of all this was- | pulse, if not a common origin, with "In the hope of winning back the the foregoing: seceded States, and of retaining the “CONCERT HALL, December 11, 1860. trade, custom, and profits, which we “DEAR SIR: I have been officially inhave hitherto derived from the slave. ) formed that, in the event of G. W. Curtis

lecturing in this Hall on Thursday evening holders, we hereby solemnly pledge next, a riot is anticipated. Under these cirourselves never more to say or do, cumstances, I cannot permit the Hall to be

used on that occasion. Respectfully, nor let our neighbors say or do, aught

“THOMAS A. ANDREWS. calculated to displease said slavehold “J. W. WHITE, Esq.” ers or offend the Slave Power," was

So the Lincoln city of Philadelpromptly demonstrated. Mr. George

phia, like a good many other NorthW. Curtis, one of our most attract

ern cities, made her bid for slaveive and popular public speakers, had

holding forbearance and patronagem been engaged by the People's Liter

no one observing, nor even hinting, ary Institute of Philadelphia to lec

that the North had rights and grievture on the evening after the great

ances, as well as the South-that meeting, and had announced as his

“sectional” aspirations, aggressions, subject, “The Policy of Honesty."

encroachments, were not confined to What reflections were suggested by

Free States; and that, in the conciliathat topic or title to the engineers of

tion so generally and earnestly comthe meeting, can only be inferred

mended, the Slave Power might from the following notification :

fairly be asked to accord some consid"OFFICE OF THE MAYOR OF THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, Dec. 10, 1860. S

eration, some respect, if not to make “DEAR SIR :--The appearance of GEORGE some concession, to that generous, W. CURTIS, Esq., as a lecturer before the

loving spirit, which recognizes a People's Literary Institute, on Thursday evening next, will be extremely unwise. If

brother in the most repulsive form of I possessed the lawful power, I would not Humanity, which keenly feels that permit his presence on that occasion.

wrong and degradation to any neces“Very respectfully, etc.

Ő ALEXANDER HENRY, Mayor. sarily involve reproach and peril to * JAMES W. WHITE, Esq., Chairman.” all, and will rest content with nothing

The following letter from the own- short of Universal Justice and Imer of the Hall betrays a common im- / partial Freedom.




THE XXXVIth Congress recon- | the year then closing had been one of vened for its second and last session general health, ample harvests, and on Monday, December 3, 1860, and commercial prosperity, he plunged President Buchanan transmitted his into the great political controversy fourth and last Annual Message next of the day after this fashion: day. After briefly stating therein that! “Why is it, then, that discontent now so


extensively prevails, and the Union of the l of a character to excite the passions of the States, which is the source of all these bless- | slaves; and, in the language of Gen. ings, is threatened with destruction? The Jackson, 'to stimulate them to insurrection, long-continued and intemperate interference and produce all the horrors of a servile war.' of the Northern people with the question of | This agitation has ever since been continued Slavery in the Southern States has at length | by the public press, by the proceedings of produced its natural effects. The different State and County Conventions, and by sections of the Union are now arrayed | Abolition sermons and lectures. The time against each other; and the time has arrived, of Congress has been occupied in violent so much dreaded by the Father of his Coun- | speeches on this never-ending subject; and try, when hostile geographical parties have appeals, in pamphlet and other forms, inbeen formed. I have long foreseen, and dorsed by distinguished names, have been often forewarned my countrymen of the now sent forth from this central point, and impending danger. This does not proceed | spread broadcast over the Union. solely from the claims on the part of Con-1 “How easy would it be for the American gress or the Territorial Legislatures to ex- people to settle the Slavery question forever, clude Slavery from the territories, nor from and to restore peace and harmony to this the efforts of different States to defeat the distracted country! execution of the Fugitive Slave law.

“They, and they alone, can do it. All "All or any of these evils might have

that is necessary to accomplish the object, been endured by the South without danger |

and all for which the Slave States have ever to the Union (as others have been), in the

contended, is, to be let alone, and permitted hope that time and reflection might apply to manage their domestic institutions in their the remedy. The immediate peril arises, own way. As sovereign States, they, and not so much from these causes, as from the they alone, are responsible before God fact that the incessant and violent agitation and the world for the Slavery existing among of the Slavery question throughout the North them. For this, the people of the North for the last quarter of a century has at are not more responsible, and have no more length produced its malign influence on the

right to interfere, than with similar instituslaves, and inspired them with vague no- | tions in Russia or in Brazil. Upon their tions of freedom. Hence, a sense of secu- | good sense and patriotic forbearance, I conrity no longer exists around the family altar.

fess I greatly rely." This feeling of peace at home has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrec How a sane man could talk in this tion. Many a matron throughout the South

way, in full view of the Texas, Nebrasretires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children before the morning.

ka, and Kansas struggles of the last Should this apprehension of domestic dan few years, and of the persistent efforts ger, whether real or imaginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall pervade the

to acquire Cuba, and “regenerate” masses of the Southern people, then disunion Central America in the interest of will become inevitable. Self-preservation is

the Slave Power, is one of the prothe first law of nature, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator

blems reserved for solution in some for the wisest purpose; and no political future and higher existence. To exunion, however fraught with blessings and benefits in all other respects, can long con

pose its inconsistency with notorious tinue, if the necessary consequence be to facts were a waste of time and effort; render the homes and the firesides of nearly

to lose temper over it were even a half the parties to it habitually and hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later, the bonds

graver mistake: the proper, fittest of such a Union must be severed. It is my frame of mind wherein to contemconviction that this fatal period has not yet

plate it is one of silent wonder. arrived; and my prayer to God is, that He would preserve the Constitution and the

Mr. Buchanan proceeded to argue Union throughout all generations.

that the election of Mr. Lincoln “But let us take warning in time, and re- |

“ does not of itself afford just cause move the cause of danger. It cannot be denied that, for five-and-twenty years, the agi

for dissolving the Union;" that tation at the North against Slavery in the “from the very nature of his office, South has been incessant. In 1835, pictorial handbills and inflammatory appeals were

and its high responsibilities, he must circulated extensively throughout the South, / necessarily be conservative;" that

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no single act has ever passed Con- | each State, and is binding upon the gress, unless we may possibly except people thereof; that the people of the Missouri Compromise,' impair- States aggrieved or oppressed by ing, in the slightest degree, the rights Federal power have the right of revoof the South in their property in | lutionary resistance, but no otherslaves; that no such act could be and yet, if any State should see fit to passed, in the present or in the next secede from and defy the Union, Congress; that the Dred Scott deci- there is no help for it! Let us hear sion had covered all the ground con Mr. Buchanan more fully on this tended for by the Slave States, ren point: dering null and void a recent act of | What, in the mean time, is the responsithe Legislature of Kansas, abolishing

bility and true position of the Executive?

He is bound by solemn oath, before God and Slavery in that Territory; that all

the country, "to take care that the laws be acts of State Legislatures intended faithfully executed;' and from this obligation to defeat the execution of the Fugi

he cannot be absolved by any human power.

But what, if the performance of this duty, tive Slave law were nullities, the Su in whole or in part, has been rendered impreme Court having so decided and

practicable by events over which he could

have exercised no control ? Such, at the sustained that law at every point;

present moment, is the case throughout the nevertheless, the States that have State of South Carolina, so far as the laws of

the United States to secure the adininistrapassed such acts ought, and should

tion of justice by means of the Federal Judibe urged, to repeal them; that, ciary are concerned. All the Federal officers should they not be repealed, “the

within its limits, through whose agency alone

these laws can be carried into execution, injured States” “ would be justified

have already resigned. We no longer have in revolutionary resistance to the a District Judge, à District Attorney, or a Government of the Union” (for un

Marshal, in South Carolina. In fact, the

whole machinery of the Federal Governfaithfulness to constitutional obliga- ment necessary for the distribution of remetions by those whom that Govern dial justice among the people has been de

molished, and it would be difficult, if not ment could not control); that there is

impossible, to replace it. no reserved or constitutional right of “The only acts of Congress on the statuteState Secession from the Union,

book, bearing upon this subject, are those of

28th February, 1795, and 3d March, 1807. which was clearly intended to be per These authorize the President, after he shall petual; that the Federal Govern have ascertained that the Marshal, with his ment is required, and the States ex

posse comitatus, is unable to execute civil or

criminal process in any particular case, to pressly forbidden, to do many things call out the militia and employ the Army essential to the idea of sovereignty;

and Navy to aid him in performing this ser

vice, having first, by Proclamation, comthat the Federal Government “has

deral trovernment has manded the insurgents to. "disperse, and precisely the same right to exercise retire peaceably to their respective abodes,

within a limited time. its power for the people of all these

This duty cannot,

| by possibility, be performed in a state where States, in the enumerated cases, that no judicial authority exists to issue process, each one of them possesses over sub

and where, even if there were such an jects not delegated to the United

officer, the entire population would constiStates;" that the Federal Constitu tute one solid combination to resist him." tion is a part of the Constitution of But why cannot the President ap


The Ordinance of 1787, reaffirmed under the 'ern Rights.' This, be it remembered, as well as Constitution in 1789, is thus clearly affirmed by the Missouri Compromise itself, had the hearty Mr. Buchanan to be not in derogation of South- / support of the entire South.

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