sillanimity, were as sheep without a | had supported Douglas for President shepherd, in a fair way to be transformed into mutton. Had there been a loyal soldier in command of that large portion of our small regular army stationed in Texas, ostensibly for the defense of her exposed Northern and Western frontier, he might have formed a nucleus for an effective rally for the Union. But Mr. John B. Floyd was at the head of the War Department, and had taken care that this force should be wielded by a thorough-going traitor, who would paralyze, and, in due time, betray it into the hands of his fellows. Houston was allowed to remain in office, despised by the implacable enemies to whom he truckled, and despising himself, until they were ready to dispense with him; when he obsequiously resigned, enduring an ignominious existence in their midst until he found relief from it in death, some two years thereafter. Virginia had recently chosen for her Governor Mr. John Letcher, whose position was nearly as peculiar as Houston's. The genuine Southrons had long professed to be Democrats for Slavery's sake; Letcher, at heart, and formerly by open avowal, regarding human bondage as a blunder if not a crime, was pro-Slavery for the sake of the Democratic party, whereof he had ever been a bigoted devotee, and which had promoted and honored him beyond any other estimate of his merits but his own. Transferred from the House of Representatives to the Governorship by the election of 1859, he, as a life-long champion of regular nominations and strict party discipline, 10 10 Vote for Governor: Letcher, Dem., 77,112; Goggin, Am., 71,543. in 1860, and thereby thrown himself into a very lean minority" of his party. He had, of course, much leeway to make up to reïnstate himself in that party's good graces, and hence early and zealously lent himself to the work of the conspirators. The course of Gov. Beriah Magoffin, of Kentucky, was in striking contrast with that of his Southern peers. He, too, had supported Breckinridge; while his party owed its recently acquired ascendency in his State, and he his election, to the deepening conviction of the slaveholding interest that no other party than the Democratic possessed at once the power and the will to rule the country in conformity to its wishes and presumed interests. But Kentucky had already repeatedly declared for the Union-conspicuously in her August State Election of 1860, and again in choosing Bell Electors, and giving the rival candidates for President some Forty Thousand more votes than she gave her own Breckinridge, who, but for her apprehensions and dread of disunion, would probably have received her vote. Gov. Magoffin now issued an address to the people of Kentucky, wherein he wisely and forcibly said: "To South Carolina, and such other States as may wish to secede from the Union, I would say: The geography of this country will not admit of a division; the mouth and sources of the Mississippi river cannot be separated without the horrors of civil war. We cannot sustain you in this movement merely on account of the election of Lincoln. Do not precipitate us, by premature action, into a revolution or civil war, the consequences of which will be most frightful to all of us. It may yet be avoided. There is still hope, faint though it be. Kentucky is a border State, and has suffered more than 11 Democratic vote of Virginia: Breckinridge, 74,323; Douglas, 16,290. SECESSION HALTS IN ARKANSAS AND MISSOURI. all of you. She claims that, standing upon the same sound platform, you will sympathize with her, and stand by her, and not desert her in her exposed, perilous border position. She has a right to claim that her voice, and the voice of reason, and moderation, and patriotism, shall be heard and heeded by you. If you secede, your representatives will go out of Congress, and leave us at the mercy of a Black Republican Government. Mr. Lincoln will have no check. He can appoint his Cabinet, and have it confirmed. The Congress will then We be Republican, and he will be able to pass such laws as he may suggest. The Supreme Court will be powerless to protect us. implore you to stand by us, and by our friends in the Free States; and let us all, the bold, the true and just men in the Free and the Slave States, with a united front, stand by each other, by our principles, by our rights, our equality, our honor, and by the Union under the Constitution. I believe this is the only way to save it; and we can do it." Gov. Elias N. Conway, of Arkansas, transmitted his Annual Message to the new Legislature of that State on the 19th of November, 1860, when nearly all the Slave States were alive with drumming and drilling, 12 and frantic with telegraphing and haranguing in behalf of Secession; yet he said nothing on the subject. It is a fair presumption that he disapproved of the entire business. But his suc 12 Extract from a letter in The New York Herald of Nov. 9, dated CHARLESTON, Nov. 5, 1860. "As a mark of the popular inclination toward resistance, it is a fact of some significance that the echoes of the word 'coërcion' had hardly reached our borders before the whole State was bristling with spontaneous organizations of Minute-Men-irregular forces, it is true, but, nevertheless, formidable, because armed to the teeth with weapons to which they have been accustomed from early youth, and animated with the idea that they are defending all that is near and dear to them. The elaborate disclaimers, on the part of some of the Lincoln papers, of any design to molest the State, even if she secedes, have no weight whatever here. People very justly argue that, if coërcion should be attempted, the Minute-Men will be wanted; and, if the State should not be molested in her independence, it will be a great advantage to have such a body of men always at command. "At this time, it is impossible to describe the extent of the Minute-Men movement. There is 341 cessor, Henry M. Rector, had been chosen 13 the preceding August, and he made haste to do the bidding of the conspirators. In all the other Slave States south of Maryland, the Governors were heart and soul in the Disunion conspiracy, and called Legislatures to meet in extra session, issued vehement Proclamations, concocted and put forth incendiary Messages, or did whatever else the master-spirits of the conspiracy required. Their associates and subordinates in office were of like faith and purpose; and it may fairly be assumed that at least fourfifths of all those in office in the Slave States, whether under the National or any State Government, on the 6th of November, 1860, were ardent advocates of Secession. 14 In Missouri, Mr. Claiborne F. Jackson had been chosen Governor as a Douglas Democrat; but that designation was entirely delusive. Having achieved what he considered the regular Democratic nomination for Governor, he thought he could not either of mounted men or infantry. They are drilling every night, and have generally adopted Hardee's Tactics, which, because less monotonous, are preferred by our impetuous young men to the old, heavy infantry drill. Not a night passes that we do not hear in the streets of Charleston the tramp of large bodies of armed men, moving with the quick Zouave step, and with admirable discipline and precision." This, it will be seen, was before Lincoln's election; and, of course, before any public steps had been taken toward Secession. As the movement extended to other States, its military manifestations were nearly everywhere such as are portrayed above. 13 As a stump candidate; by 30,577 votes to 28,618 for R. H. Johnson, regular Democrat. 14 Election of August, 1860: C. F. Jackson (Douglas) 74,446; Sam. Orr (Bell) 66,583; Hancock Jackson (Breck.) 11,416; Gardenhire not a hamlet in the State that has not its squad, | (Lincoln) 6,135. "The first question that presents itself is, the Union in consequence of the election of Shall the people of the South secede from Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States? My countrymen, I tell you frankly, candidly, and earnestly, that I do not think that they ought. In my judgment, the election of no man, constitutionally chosen to that high office, is sufficient cause for any State to separate from the Union. It ought to stand by and aid still in maintaining the Constitution of the country. To make a point of resistance to the Government-to withdraw from it, because a man has been constitutionally elected-puts us in the Constitution. Many of us have sworn to wrong. We are pledged to maintain the support it. Can we, therefore, for the mere election of a man to the Presidencyscribed forms of the Constitution—make a and that, too, in accordance with the prepoint of resistance to the Government, and, without becoming the breakers of that sacred instrument ourselves, withdraw ourselves from it? Would we not be in the wrong? Whatever fate is to befall this country, let it never be laid to the charge of the people of the South, and especially of the people of Georgia, that we were untrue to our National engagements. fault and the wrong rest upon others. If Let the afford to bolt the regular Democratic nomination for President, and so gave at least a nominal support to Douglas, who thus obtained the vote of Missouri in November, when Gov. J. and a large proportion of his supporters were in feeling and purpose with the backers of Breckinridge. He was fully in the hands of the conspirators from the start, and in due time united openly in the Rebellion. Outside of Missouri, the Douglas Democracy had been so thoroughly, overwhelmingly beaten in the vote of the Slave States for President as thoroughly in Delaware or Maryland as in Georgia or Arkansas-that they seemed to be crushed out of life, or anxious to merge their distinctive character by a plunge into the common abyss of Rebellion. Mr. Douglas himself, being catechised on the subject,15 frankly declared that, should all our hopes are to be blasted, if the ReLincoln be chosen President, he would public is to go down, let us be found to the not consider that a cause for resist- last moment standing on the deck, with the Constitution of the United States waving ance, but should adhere to and up- over our heads. (Applause.) Let the fahold the Union. Yet the result of natics of the North break the Constitution, if such is their fell purpose. Let the responsithe election had hardly transpired bility be upon them. I shall speak presentwhen his friend Gov. Letcher of Vir-ly more of their acts; but let not the South, ginia, Mr. George N. Sanders, of Kentucky, who had been one of his busiest and noisiest champions, and many more such, made haste to swell the gathering cohorts of Secession. The ablest and most respectable of their number was Mr. Alex. H. Stephens, of Georgia, whose courage and loyalty endured at least a week after those of his late compatriots had bidden them a final adieu. The Legislature of Georgia having assembled," Mr. Stephens presented himself and spoke "boldly as well as ably against the meditated treason; saying: 15 While speaking at Norfolk, Va., during the canvass of 1860. let us not be the ones to commit the aggres sion. We went into the election with this people; the result was different from what we wished; but the election has been constitutionally held. Were we to make a point of resistance to the Government, and go out of the Union on that account, the record would be made up hereafter against us. "But, it is said, Mr. Lincoln's policy and principles are against the Constitution, and that, if he carries them out, it will be destructive of our rights. Let us not anticipate a threatened evil. If he violates the Consti tution, then will come our time to act. Do 16 At Milledgeville, Nov. 8, 1860. I A. H. STEPHENS AND HENRY CLAY ON DISUNION. he is bound by the constitutional checks which are thrown around him, which, at this time, render him powerless to do any great mischief. This shows the wisdom of our system. The President of the United States is no Emperor, no Dictator-he is clothed with no absolute power. He can do nothing unless he is backed by power in Congress. The House of Representatives is largely in the majority against him. In the Senate, he will also be powerless. There will be a majority of four against him: This, after the loss of Bigler, Fitch, and others, by the unfortunate dissensions of the Democratic party in their States. Mr. Lincoln cannot appoint an officer without the consent of the Senate-he cannot form a Cabinet without the same consent. He will be in the condition of George III. (the embodiment of Toryism), who had to ask the Whigs to appoint his Ministers, and was compelled to receive a Cabinet utterly opposed to his views; and so Mr. Lincoln will be compelled to ask of the Senate to choose for him a Cabinet, if the Democracy of that body choose to put him on such terms. He will be compelled to do this, or let the Government stop, if the National Democratic men-for that is their name at the North the conservative men in the Senate-should so determine. Then, how can Mr. Lincoln obtain a Cabinet which would aid him, or allow him, to violate the Constitution? "Why, then, I say, should we disrupt the bonds of this Union, when his hands are tied ---when he can do nothing against us?" Warming with his argument, Mr. Stephens did not hesitate, before concluding his speech, to say: "I believe in the power of the people to govern themselves when wisdom prevails, and passion is silent. Look at what has already been done by them for their advancement in all that ennobles man. There is nothing like it in the history of the world. Look abroad, from one extent of the country to the other; contemplate our great 18 Mr. Clay, at another time, at a caucus of Southern members of Congress, was asked whether, in a certain contingency, Kentuckians would go for Disunion. He promptly replied: "No, Sir: Kentuckians view Disunion as itself the greatest of evils, and as a remedy for nothing." The following letter likewise embodies the ruling conviction of his life, which under no circumstances could he be induced to depart from: 'WASHINGTON, Dec. 22, 1849. “MY DEAR SIR:--My object in writing to you | 343 ness: we are now among the first nations of the earth. Shall it, then, be said that our institutions, founded upon principles of selfgovernment, are a failure? "Thus far it is a noble example, worthy of imitation. The gentleman (Mr. Cobb), the other night, said it had proven a failure. A failure in what? In growth? Look at our expanse in National power! Look at our population and increase in all that makes a people great! A failure? Why, we are the admiration of the civilized world, and present the brightest hopes of mankind. "Some of our public men have failed in their aspirations; that is true; and from that comes a great part of our troubles. (Prolonged applause.) "No! there is no failure of this Government yet. We have made great advancement under the Constitution; and I cannot but hope that we shall advance still higher. Let us be true to our cause. per This was frank and noble; yet there was a dead fly in the ointment, which sadly marred its perfume. That was a distinct avowal of the right of the State to overrule his sonal convictions, and plunge him into treason to the Nation. Years before, Henry Clay, when catechised by Jefferson Davis in the Senate, set forth the true American doctrine on this point, as follows: "Mr. President, I have heard with pain and regret a confirmation of the remark I made, that the sentiment of Disunion has become familiar. I hope it is confined to South Carolina. I do not regard as my duty what the honorable Senator seems to regard as his. If Kentucky to-morrow unfurls the banner of resistance, I never will fight under that banner. I owe a paramount allegiance to the whole Union-a subordinate one to my own State." 18 now is one of great importance, and I wish you to lead off in it. "The feeling for Disunion among some of the intemperate Southern politicians is stronger than I supposed it could be. The masses generally, even at the South, are, I believe, yet sound; but they may become inflamed and perverted. The best counteraction of that feeling is to be derived from popular expressions at public meetings of the people. Now, what I would be glad to see, is such meetings held throughout Kentucky. For, you must know, that the Disunionists count upon the coöperation of our patriotic State. Cannot you get up a large, powerful meeting of both Mr. Stephens was, in his earlier years, an admirer and follower of Mr. Clay; but, since 1850, he had gone a roving after strange gods. He now said: "Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union, I speak for one, though my views may not agree with them, whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause is my cause, and their destiny is my destiny; and I trust this will be the ultimate course of all. The greatest curse that can befall a free people is civil But, as I said, let us call a Convention of the people; let all these matters be submitted to it; and, when the will of a majority of the people has thus been expressed, the whole State will present one unanimous voice in favor of whatever may be demanded." war. Of course, Mr. Stephens was taken at his word. A Convention was called; a majority of delegates secured for Disunion; an Ordinance of Secession passed; and Mr. Stephens sank from the proud position of a citizen of the American Republic into that of Vice-President of the Confederacy of slaveholding traitors and their benighted, misguided satellites and dupes. The South Carolina Convention met at Columbia on the appointed day-December 17th. Gen. D. F. Jamison, its temporary Chairman, on being called to preside, paraded the wrongs of the South in the admission parties, if possible, at Lexington, at Louisville, etc., etc., to express in strong language their determination to stand by the Union? Now is the time for salutary action, and you are the man to act. I inclose some resolutions, which, or some similar to them, I should be happy to see adopted. H. CLAY." "To Gen. LESLIE COMBS.” 19 Early in 1860, an eminent New York lawyer visited Charleston professionally, and was detained in that city several weeks, mingling freely with her citizens and the guests at her principal hotel. Though never a candidate for office, he took a warm interest in public affairs, and had always acted with the 'Whig,' 'Ameri of California, organization and settlement of Kansas, etc., etc., and trusted that "the door is now closed forever against any further connection 19 with the Northern confederacy," etc., etc., etc. He further trusted that we shall not be diverted from our purpose by any dictates from without," and that the Convention, in inaugurating such a movement, would heed the counsels of a master-spirit of the French Revolution, whose maxim was, to “dare, and again to dare, and without end to dare." Mr. Chas. G. Memminger 20 having suggested that the members, on the roll being called, advance and be sworn, a delegate responded: "Oh no! that is not required; we came not to make, but to unmake, a government." Gen. Jamison was, on the fifth At the ballot, chosen President. evening session of the first day, Hon. John A. Elmore, a Commissioner from Alabama, and Hon. Charles Hooker, a Commissioner from Mississippi, were introduced by the President, and successively addressed the Convention-of course, in favor of prompt and unconditional Secession. Mr. Elmore said: "I am instructed by the Governor of Alabama to say that he desires, and, he be can,' or 'Conservative' party. Soon after his return to New York, some old associates called to consult him on political affairs, and were astounded to hear that his views had undergone a complete change. "What can that mean?" "It means this," was his well-considered reply; that I have spent the past month in the South; that I find the Union a sham; that we are, in effect, two peoples, between whom an early war is inevitable; and that, in that war, I mean to stand by my own hearth and kindred. Good morning, gentlemen!" 20 Since, Confederate Secretary of the Treasury. |