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WHY SECESSION

Legislature who would gladly have held back were paralyzed and their remonstrances silenced. They dared neither to speak nor to vote as their convictions impelled.

All pleadings and efforts for delay, for reflection, for calm consideration, were stifled or fruitless. A bill calling a Convention, with the distinct purpose of secession, passed the Senate on the 9th and the House on the 12th. December 6th was the day appointed for the election of delegates; the Convention to meet on the 17th of that month. Whereupon, Gov. Hammond resigned his seat in the U. S. Senate, as his colleague, Mr. Chesnut, had already done.

On the same day (Nov. 12), a Military Convention of Georgians was held at Milledgeville, which was attended and addressed by Gov. Joseph E. Brown of that State. He affirmed the right of secession, and the duty of other Southern States to sustain South Carolina in the step she was then taking. 'He would like to see Federal troops dare attempt the coercion of a seceding Southern State! For every Georgian who fell in a conflict thus incited, the lives of two Federal soldiers should expiate the outrage on State Sovereignty.' The Convention, thus harangued, voted, about two to one, for secession; and though it had, of course, no legal or official authority, its action was doubtless potent in precipitating the 'Empire State of the South' into the abyss of Disunion.

4 On the first day of the South Carolina Secession Convention, at Columbia, December 17, 1860, Hon. William Porcher Miles, M. C. from the Charleston District, one of the delegates, made a short speech against adjournment to Charleston, on account of the epidemic (smallpox) at Columbia; saying that he was just from

WAS PRECIPITATED.

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The foregoing detailed, methodical statement of the process whereby Secession was inaugurated in South Carolina, and of the conceptions and purposes developed by that process, seems to render needless a like particularity with regard to the subsequent proceedings in that and other States. The germ of the entire movement, with the ideas whereon it was based, is clearly exhibited in the doings at Columbia and Charleston, during those memorable early days of November, 1860. And, though South Carolina ostentatiously precipitated the catastrophe by her single, sovereign fiat, it is not doubted that she did so upon full understanding with the "Chivalry" of nearly, or quite every Slave State. These had, of course, apprised her own masterspirits, in their conferences at watering-places and other fashionable resorts during the preceding Summer and Autumn, that, though they could not bring their several States to march abreast with her in the enterprise of National disruption and dissolution, they should have little difficulty in inducing them to fly to her rescue in case she went boldly forward in the predetermined course, and thus exposed herself to imminent peril on behalf of their common and most cherished interest, Slavery.* Theirs was the strategy of the leader of a forlorn hope, who, seeing his storming party hesitate and waver in the breach, or under the wall of the hostile fortress, throws his flag for

Washington, where he had been in consultation with Southern friends representing every other Southern State, who had unanimously urged the utmost haste in the consummation of South Carolina's secession. He would adjourn to no other place until the Ordinance of Secession had passed.-See Charleston Courier, December 18, 1860.

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ward among the enemy, and rushes, sword in hand, to its recovery, calculating that his soldiers will thereupon instinctively spring to his and its res cue at all hazards. The event proved the efficiency of the method, if not the perfect accuracy of the calculation. But the long-standing conspiracy for Disunion was favored, at this crisis, by very powerful incidental in- | fluences, whereof the principal were as follows:

1. No public opposition to Slavery having, for many years, been permitted in the slave-holding region, save at a very few points like St. Louis, where the Free-Labor interest had, from the force of circumstances, silently and suddenly achieved a practical preponderance, the journals, the religious organizations, and the political parties, were all immeasurably subservient to the Slave Power. In fact, the chief topic of political contention, whether in the press or on the stump, had for twenty years been the relative soundness and thoroughness of the rival parties in their devotion to Slavery. On this ground, Gen. Jackson had immensely, the advantage of J. Q. Adams, so far | as the South was concerned, when they were rival candidates for the Presidency; as Gen. Harrison had some advantage of Mr. Van Buren; Mr. Polk of Mr. Clay; Gen. Taylor of Gen. Cass; Gen. Pierce of Gen. Scott; and, lastly, Major Breckinridge of John Bell. In Kentucky, in the State canvass of 1859, Mr. Joshua F. Bell, "American" candidate for Governor, had tried hard to

5 Howell Cobb, of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury; John B. Floyd, of Virginia, Secretary of War; Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, Secretary of the Interior. Aaron V. Brown, of Tennessee, Mr. Buchanan's first Postmaster-Gen

"cut under" his Democratic antagonist, Beriah Magoffin, but had failed, and been signally defeated. His more spotless record as a Slavery propagandist had enabled the supporters of Breckinridge to carry even Maryland for him against Bell, in 1860. And now, the readiness to back South Carolina, or, at least, to shield her from harm, was presented as a touchstone of earnestness, to those of all parties, who had for years so loudly vaunted their own and their party's matchless devotion to "Southern rights."

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2. The patronage of the Federal Government throughout the fifteen Slave States, being wielded and bestowed by the Southern members of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet, was almost entirely monopolized by their fellowconspirators. The Collectors of Customs, Postmasters, Marshals, etc., who had good reason to apprehend the loss of their comfortable places on Mr. Lincoln's accession to power, were generally were generally "ripe for treasons, stratagems, and spoils." Many, if not most of them, were early and active promoters of the Slaveholders' Rebellion, even while easily deriving large emoluments from the Government they were plotting to destroy.

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THE DISUNION CONSPIRACY IN TEXAS.

regarding them as a sort of theatrical, sheet-iron thunder, which might scare the North into greater subserviency to the Slave Power, and, at the worst, could do no harm. And now, these resolves were triumphantly quoted by the conspirators, and the people asked whether they meant any thing by passing them, or were only uttering threats which they never intended to make good.

4. The Governors of nearly all the Slave States, including even Delaware, had actively and zealously supported Breckinridge, and had thus justified the withdrawal of a majority of the Southern delegates from the Charleston Convention, on grounds not essentially differing from those whereon Disunion was now urged. The action now taken by South Carolina was very fairly claimed to be a direct and necessary sequence of that bolt. The Governors and other leading politicians who had supported Breckinridge and Lane in the recent canvass, were held to have thereby pledged themselves to prosecute that policy to its legitimate results. And most of them were fully aware of and ready to meet this expectation. Hence, South Carolina had scarcely thrown up her signal rocket, announcing the outbreak of the long meditated revolution, when it was responded to by proclamations and calls of Legislatures in most of the Slave States.

Texas was not originally of the number. Her leading politicians had shown the cloven foot a year too soon, by nominating, early in 1859, a State ticket pledged to favor the re

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öpening of the African Slave-Trade, which was a well-understood Shibboleth of the South-Western plotters of Disunion. Hardin R. Runnells, a Mississippian, who was the incumbent, was placed at its head as a candidate for Governor. The people were alarmed by this bold step; Gen. Sam Houston took the field in opposition to it as an independent Union candidate for Governor; and, though there was no political organization in the State but that which he confronted, while Texas had gone overwhelmingly for Pierce against Scott, and for Buchanan against Fillmore, Gen. Houston carried .it with all ease, beating Runnells by 8,670 majority,' in by far the largest vote ever yet polled in the State. Andrew J. Hamilton, running as a Unionist for Congress, in the Western District, in like manner beat T. N. Waul, the regular Democratic candidate, by 448 majority. In the Eastern District, John H. Reagan,' Democrat, had no serious opposition.

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Gen. Houston was thus in a position to thwart the Texan conspirators, had he evinced either principle or courage, when they commenced operating to take their State out of the Union at the close of 1860. He did refuse to call the Legislature, or a Convention; whereupon the conspirators called the Legislature themselves, by a document signed by sixty of their number, having just as much legal validity and force as a harangue at a negro camp-meeting. But the Disunionists were thoroughly united, determined, and ready; while their adversaries, owing to Houston's pu

in 1859, by 20,565 votes to 3,541 for Judge W. B. Ochiltree; but Houston for Governor had 4,183 majority in the District at that election; | showing that Reagan had no serious opposition.

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