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of the Abolitionists was assailed and exciting topic, "Let the Abolitionists its press thrown down. The disci- understand that they will be caught pline proved effective. No Demo- if they come among us, and they will cratic journal issued in that city has take good care to stay away. "8 The since ventured to speak a word for calculation was a word for calculation was a tolerably sound Freedom or Humanity. The Aboli- one; yet it did not save quite a tionists, at Gerrit Smith's invitation, number of persons-mainly of Northadjourned to his home at Peterbo- ern birth-who were seized at varirough, Madison County, and there ous points throughout the South on completed their organization. suspicion of being anti-Slavery, and very summarily put to death-some with, and some without, a mob trial. Had there been any proof against them, they would doubtless have been left to the operation of the laws for such cases made and provided; for these were certainly harsh enough to satisfy even Wise himself.

At the South, there was but one mode of dealing with Abolitioniststhat described by Henry A. Wise as made up of "Dupont's best [gunpowder], and cold steel." "Let your emissaries cross the Potomac," writes the Rev. T. S. Witherspoon from Alabama to The Emancipator, "and I can promise you that your fate will be no less than Haman's." Says the Rev. William Plummer, D. D., of Richmond, Virginia, in response (July, 1835) to a call for a meeting of the clergy to take action on the

7 At a public meeting convened in the church in the town of Clinton, Mississippi, September 5, 1835, it was

“Resolved, That it is our decided opinion, that any individual who dares to circulate, with a view to effectuate the designs of the Abolitionists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers now in the course of transmission to this country, is justly worthy, in the sight of God and man, of immediate death: and we doubt not that such would be the punishment of any such offender, in any part of the State of Mississippi where he may be found."

8 "The cry of the whole South should be death -instant death-to the abolitionist, wherever he is caught."Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle.

"We can assure the Bostonians, one and all, who have embarked in the nefarious scheme of abolishing Slavery at the South, that lashes will hereafter be spared the backs of their emissaries. Let them send out their men to Louisiana; they will never return to tell their sufferings, but they shall expiate the crime of interfering with our domestic institutions, by being BURNED AT THE STAKE."-New Orleans True American.

"Abolition editors in Slave States will not dare to avow their opinions. It would be instant DEATH to them."-Missouri Argus.

And Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, who once

9

At Charleston, S. C., July 29, 1835, it was noised about that the mails just arrived from the North contained a quantity of Abolition periodicals and documents. A public meeting was thereupon called, which the Reverend Clergy of the

delivered a speech at Columbia in reference to a proposed railroad, in which he despondingly drew a forcible contrast between the energy, enterprise, knowledge, and happiness of the North, and the inertia, indigence, and decay of the South, in the U. S. Senate afterward declared:

"Let an abolitionist come within the borders of South Carolina, if we can catch we will try him, and, notwithstanding all the interference of all the governments of the earth, including the Federal Government, we will HANG him."-See “N. Y. Journal of Commerce," June 6, 1838.

9 In 1835, a suspicion was aroused in Madison County, Mississippi, that a conspiracy for a slave insurrection existed. Five negroes were first hung; then five white men. The pamphlet put forth by their mob-murderers shows that there was no real evidence against any of them—that their lives were sacrificed to a cowardly panic, which would not be appeased without bloodshed. The whites were hung at an hour's notice, protesting their innocence to the last. And this is but one case out of many such. In a panic of this kind, every non-slaveholder who ever said a kind word or did a humane act for a negro is a doomed man.

RIFLING THE MAILS.

And it is yet far older than this.

129

The

city attended in a body, "lending," in a grave Democratic State paper, says The Courier of next morning, fifteen years before he uttered it. "their sanction to the proceedings, and adding, by their presence, to the impressive character of the scene." General Jackson's recommendation This meeting unanimously resolved of repression by law of the circulathat all the mail matter in question tion of "incendiary" matter through should be burnt, and it was burnt the mails, was referred by the Senate accordingly-the mails being search- to a Select Committee, whereof John ed and rifled for the purpose; "al- C. Calhoun was Chairman. though," (says The Courier), "arrangements had previously been made at the Post-office to arrest the circulation of incendiary matter, until instructions could be received from the Department at Washington;" and "it might have been better, perhaps, to have awaited the answer before proceeding to extremities." But Mr. Amos Kendall, then PostmasterGeneral, was not the man to "hint a fault, or hesitate dislike," with regard to such mail robbery, though obliged to confess that it was not strictly according to act of Congress.

"I am satisfied,” he replied to the Postmaster's application, "that the PostmasterGeneral has no legal authority to exclude newspapers from the mail, nor to prohibit their carriage or delivery on account of their character or tendency, real or supposed." "But I am not prepared to direct you to forward or deliver the papers of which you speak.' "By no act or direction of mine, official or private, could I be induced to aid, knowingly, in giving circulation to papers of this description, directly or indirectly. We owe an obligation to the laws, but a higher one to the communities in which we

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live; and, if the former be permitted to destroy the latter, it is patriotism to disregard them. Entertaining these views, I cannot sanction, and will not condemn, the step you have taken. Your justification must be looked for in the character of the papers detained, and the circumstances by which you are surrounded.”

perilous scope of any such legislation was at once clear to the keen intellect of that statesman, who had by this time learned to dread "Consolidation" as intensely as he detested "Abolition." He reported (Febru ary 4, 1836), that the measure proposed by the President would violate the Constitution, and imperil public liberty.

"Nothing is more clear," says the Report, "than that the admission of the right of cendiary, and, as such, to prohibit their cirCongress to determine what papers are inculation through the mail, necessarily in

* * *

volves the RIGHT to determine what are NOT
incendiary, and ENFORCE their circulation.
what incendiary publications ARE, they may,
If Congress may this year decide
next year, decide what they are NOT, and
thus laden their mails with real or covert
abolitionism.
STATES, and not to Congress, to determine.
It belongs to the
what is or is not calculated to disturb their
security."

* * *

He proposed, therefore, that each State should determine for itself what kind of reading it would deem "incendiary," and that Congress should' thereupon prohibit the transmission by mail of such matter to that State. He concluded with a bill, which contained this provision :

Be it enacted, etc., That it shall not be lawful for any deputy postmaster, in any State, Territory, or District, of the United Governor Seward has been widely whatsoever, any pamphlet, newspaper, handStates, knowingly, to deliver to any person charged and credited with the author- bill, or other printed paper or pictorial repship of the "higher law" doctrine: resentation, touching the subject of Slavery, where, by the laws of the said State, but here we find it clearly set forth | Territory, or District, their circulation is

removed from office."

This bill was ordered to a third reading by 18 Yeas to 18 Nays-Mr. Van Buren, then Vice-President, giving the casting vote in the affirmative. It failed, however, to pass; and that ended the matter.

prohibited; and any deputy postmaster who | list in Newport, R. I., and in New shall be guilty thereof, shall be forthwith York. He left the last-named city in the autumn of that year, and returned to St. Louis, at the urgent invitation of a circle of fellow-Christians, who desired him to establish and edit a religious newspaper in that city-furnishing a capital of twelve hundred dollars for the purpose, and guaranteeing him, in writing, the entire control of the concern. The St. Louis Observer, weekly, was accordingly first issued on the 22d of November. It was of the "Evangelical" or Orthodox Protestant school, but had no controversy, save with wickedness, and no purpose, but to quicken the zeal and enlarge the usefulness of professing Christians, while adding, if possible, to their number. There is no evidence that it was commenced with any intent to war on Slavery, or with any expectation of exciting the special hostility of any interest but that of Satan. Its first exhibition of a combative or belligerent tendency had for its object the Roman Catholics and their dogmas; but this, though it naturally provoked some resentment in a city so largely Catholic as St. Louis, excited no tumult or violence. Its first articles concerning Slavery were exceedingly moderate in their tone, and favorable rather to Colonization than to immediate Abolition. Even when the editor first took decided ground against Slavery," he still affirmed his hostility to immediate, unconditional emancipation. This article was, in part, based on an editorial in The St. Louis Republican, of the preceding week, which-discussing a proposed Convention to revise the Constitution of that State-said:

ELIJAH P. LOVEJOY, son of Rev. Daniel Lovejoy, and the eldest of seven children, was born at Albion, Maine, November 9, 1802. His ancestors, partly English and partly Scotch, all of the industrious middle class, had been citizens of New Hampshire and of Maine for several generations. He was distinguished, from early youth, alike for diligence in labor and for zeal and success in the acquisition of knowledge. He graduated with high honors at Waterville College, Maine, in September, 1826. In May following, he turned his face westward, and in the autumn of that year found employment as a teacher in St. Louis. In 1828, he became editor of a political journal, of the "National Republican" faith, and was thence actively engaged in politics of the Clay and Webster school, until January, 1832, when he was brought under deep religious impressions, and the next month united with the Presbyterian Church. Relinquishing his political pursuits and prospects, he engaged in a course of study preparatory for the ministry, entering the Theological Seminary at Princeton, New Jersey, on the 24th of March. He received, next Spring, a license to preach from the second Presbytery of Philadelphia, and spent the Summer as an evange

10 April 16, 1835.

ATTEMPT TO GAG A RELIGIOUS JOURNAL.

"We look to the Convention as a happy means of relieving the State, at some future day, of an evil which is destroying all our wholesome energies, and leaving us, in morals, in enterprise, and in wealth, behind the neighboring States. We mean, of course, the curse of Slavery. We are not about to make any attack upon the rights of those who at present hold this description of property. They ought to be respected to the letter. We only propose that measures shall now be taken for the Abolition of Slavery, at such distant period of time as may be thought expedient, and eventually for ridding the country altogether of a colored population."

Mr. Lovejoy, commenting on the foregoing, wished that some Southern-born man, of high character, decided ability, and fervent piety, would take up the subject of Slavery in a proper spirit, and, being familiar, experimentally, with all its evils and its difficulties, would show the people, practically, what they ought to do with regard to it. He continued:

"To such a man, a golden opportunity of doing good is offered. We believe the minds of the good people of this State are fully prepared to listen to him-to give a dispassonings he might present connected with the subject of Slavery. Public sentiment,

sionate consideration to the facts and rea

11

ST. LOUIS, October 5, 1835.

To the Rev. E. P. Lovejoy, Editor of The Observer : Sir:-The undersigned, friends and supporters of the "Observer," beg leave to suggest, that the present temper of the times requires a change in the manner of conducting that print in relation to the subject of domestic Slavery.

The public mind is greatly excited, and, owing to the unjustifiable interference of our Northern brethren with our social relations, the community are, perhaps, not in a situation to endure sound doctrine in relation to this subject. Indeed, we have reason to believe, that violence is even now meditated against the "Observer Office;" and we do believe that true policy and the interests of religion require that the discussion of this exciting question should be at least postponed in this State.

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131

amongst us, is already moving in this great matter-it now wants to be directed in some defined channel, to some definite end.

"Taken all in all, there is not a State in this Union possessing superior natural advantages to our own. At present, Slavery, like an incubus, is paralyzing our energies, and, like a cloud of evil portent, darkening all our prospects. Let this be removed, and Missouri would at once start forward in the race of improvement, with an energy and rapidity of movement that would soon place her in the front rank along with the most favored of her sister States."

He continued to speak of Slavery at intervals, through that summer, leaving his post in October to attend a regular meeting of the Presbyterian Synod.

Directly after his departure, an excitement commenced with regard to his strictures on Slavery; and the proprietors of The Observer, alarmed by threats of mob-violence, issued a card, promising that nothing should be said on the exciting subject until the editor's return; and, this not proving satisfactory, they issued a further card on the 21st, declaring themselves, "one and all," opposed to the mad schemes of the Abolitionists. Before this, a letter" had been written

silence everything connected with the subject of Slavery. We would like that you announce in your paper, your intention so to do.

We shall be glad to be informed of your determination in relation to this matter.

Respectfully, your obedient servants,
ARCHIBALD GAMBLE, G. W. CALL,
NATHAN RANNEY,
H. R. GAMBLE,
WILLIAM S. POTTS,
HEZEKIAH KING,

JNO. KERR.

I concur in the object intended by this communication.

I concur in the foregoing.

BEVERLY ALLEN.

J. B. BRYANT. This document is indorsed as follows: "I did not yield to the wishes here expressed, and in consequence have been persecuted ever since. But I have kept a good conscience in the matter, and that more than repays me for all I have suffered, or can suffer. I have sworn eternal opposition to Slavery, and, by the bless

Although we do not claim the right to prescribe your course as an Editor, we hope that the concurring opinions of so many persons, having the interest of your paper and of religion both at heart, may induce you to distrusting of God, I will never go back. Amen. your own judgment, and so far change the character of the "Observer," as to pass over in

"October 24, 1837."

"E. P. L.

to the editor by nine eminent citizens of St. Louis (including H. R. Gamble, her present provisional Governor), urging him "to pass over in silence everything connected with the subject of Slavery;" which, in due time, he respectfully declined.

The immediate cause of the excitement here alleged was the illegal and violent seizure, in Illinois, of two white men suspected of having decoyed slaves away from Saint Louis. The suspected persons, having been forcibly brought to St. Louis, and there tried and convicted by a mob, which voted, 40 to 20, to whip, rather than hang them, were accordingly taken two miles back of the city, and there whipped between one and two hundred lashes-the sixty wealthy and respectable citizens taking turns in applying the lash. A public meeting was thereupon held, wherein it was gravely

"2. Resolved, That the right of free discussion and freedom of speech exists under the Constitution; but that, being a conventional reservation made by the people in their sovereign capacity, does not imply a moral right, on the part of the Abolitionists, to freely discuss the subject of Slavery, either orally or through the medium of the press. It is the agitation of a question too nearly allied to the vital interests of the slaveholding States to admit of public disputation; and so far from the fact, that the movements of the Abolitionists are constitutional, they are in the greatest degree seditious, and calculated to excite insurrection and anarchy, and, ultimately, a disseverment of our prosperous Union.

"3. Resolved, That we consider the course pursued by the Abolitionists, as one calculated to paralyze every social tie by which we are now united to our fellow-man, and that, if persisted in, it must eventually be the cause of the disseverment of these United States; and that the doctrine of amalgamation is peculiarly baneful to the interests and happiness of society. The union of black and white, in a moral point of view, we consider as the most preposterous and impudent doctrine advanced by the infatuated Abolitionists—as repugnant to judgment |

and science, as it is degrading to the feelings of all sensitive minds-as destructive to the intellect of after generations, as the advance of science and literature has contributed to the improvement of our own. In short, its practice would reduce the high intellectual the Hottentot; and the United States, now second to no nation on earth, would, in a few years, be what Europe was in the darkest ages.

standard of the American mind to a level with

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4. Resolved, That the Sacred Writings furnish abundant evidence of the existence of Slavery from the earliest periods. The patriarchs and prophets possessed slavesour Saviour recognized the relation between master and slave, and deprecated it not: hence, we know that He did not condemn that relation; on the contrary, His disciples, in all countries, designated their re

spective duties to each other.

"Therefore, Resolved, That we consider Slavery, as it now exists in the United States, as sanctioned by the sacred Scriptures."

Mr. Lovejoy, on his return to the city, put forth an address to "My Fellow-Citizens," wherein he said:

"Of the first resolution passed at the meeting of the 24th October, I have nothing to say, except that I perfectly agree with the sentiment, that the citizens of the nonslaveholding States have no right to interfere with the domestic relations between master and slave.

The second resolution, strictly speaking, neither affirms nor denies anything in reference to the matter in hand. No man has a moral right to do anything improper. Whether, therefore, he has the moral right to discuss the question of Slavery, is a point with which human legislation or resolutions have nothing to do. The true issue to be decided is, whether he has the civil, the political right, to discuss it, or not. And this is a mere question of fact. In Russia, in Turkey, in Austria, nay, even in France, this right most certainly does not exist. But does it exist in Missouri? We decide this question by turning to the Constitution of the State. The sixteenth section, article thirteenth, of the Constitution of Missouri, reads as follows:

"That the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man, and that every person may freely 'speak, write, and print ON ANY SUBJECT, 'being responsible for the abuse of that liberty.

Here, then, I find my warrant for using, as Paul did, all freedom of speech. If I abuse that right, I freely acknowledge my

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