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of the Abolitionists was assailed and exciting topic, “Let the Abolitionists its press thrown down. The disci- understand that they will be caught pline proved effective. No Demo- if they come among us, and they will cratic journal issued in that city has take good care to stay away."8 The since ventured to speak a word for calculation was a tolerably sound Freedom or Humanity. The Aboli- one; yet it did not save quite a tionists, at Gerrit Smith's invitation, number of persons-mainly of Northadjourned to his home at Peterbo- ern birth—who were seized at varirough, Madison County, and there ous points throughout the South on completed their organization. suspicion of being anti-Slavery, and

very summarily put to death—some At the South, there was but one with, and some without, a mob trial. mode of dealing with Abolitionists— Had there been any proof' against that described by Henry A. Wise as them, they would doubtless have been made up of “Dupont's best [gun- left to the operation of the laws for powder], and cold steel.” “Let your such cases made and provided; for emissaries cross the Potomac," writes these were certainly harsh enough to the Rev. T. S. Witherspoon from satisfy even Wise himself. Alabama to The Emancipator, " and At Charleston, S. C., July 29, I can promise you that your fate 1835, it was noised about that the will be no less than Haman’s.997 Says mails just arrived from the North the Rev. William Plummer, D. D., contained a quantity of Abolition of Richmond, Virginia, in response periodicals and documents. A pub(July, 1835) to a call for a meeting lic meeting was thereupon called, of the clergy to take action on the which the Reverend Clergy of the

? At a public meeting convened in the church in delivered a speech at Columbia in reference to a the town of Clinton, Mississippi, September 5, proposed railroad, in which he despondingly 1835, it was

drew a forcible contrast between the energy, en"Resolved, That it is our decided opinion, that terprise, knowledge, and happiness of the North, any individual who dares to circulate, with a and the inertia, indigence, and decay of the view to effectuate the designs of the Abolition

South, in the U.S. Senate afterward declared: ists, any of the incendiary tracts or newspapers

"Let an abolitionist come within the borders now in the course of transmission to this country,

of South Carolina, if we can catch we will try is justly worthy, in the sight of God and man, of immediate death: and we doubt not that such

him, and, notwithstanding all the interference of would be the punishment of any such offender,

all the governments of the earth, including the

Federal Government, we will HANG him."--See in any part of the State of Mississippi where he

N. Y. Journal of Commerce," June 6, 1838. may be found.” 8 "The cry of the whole South should be death

9 In 1835, a suspicion was aroused in Madison minstant death to the abolitionist, wherever County, Mississippi, that a conspiracy for a slave he is caught."-Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle.

insurrection existed. Five negroes were first “We can assure tlie Bostonians, one and all,

hung; then five white men. The pamphlet put who have embarked in the nefarious scheme of

forth by their mob-murderers shows that there abolishing Slavery at the South, that lashes will hereafter be spared the backs of their emissaries.

was no real evidence against any of them—that Let them send out their men to Louisiana; they their lives were sacrificed to a cowardly panic, will never return to tell their sufferings, but they which would not be appeased without bloodshall expiate the crime of interfering with our shed. The whites were hung at an hour's nodomestic institutions, by being BURNED AT THE

tice, protesting their innocence to the last. And STAKE."-New Orleans True American. "Abolition editors in Slave States will not

this is but one case out of many such. In a dare to avow their opinions. It would be in- | panic of this kind, every non-slaveholder who stant DEATH to them."--Missouri Argus.

ever said a kind word or did a humane act for a And Mr. Preston, of South Carolina, who once | negro is a doomed man.




city attended in a body, “lending,"| in a grave Democratic State paper, says The Courier of next morning, fifteen years before he uttered it. “their sanction to the proceedings, And it is yet far older than this. and adding, by their presence, to the impressive character of the scene."| General Jackson's recommendation This meeting unanimously resolved of repression by law of the circulathat all the mail matter in question tion of “incendiary” matter through should be burnt, and it was burnt the mails, was referred by the Senate accordingly—the mails being search- to a Select Committee, whereof John ed and rified for the purpose; “al- C. Calhoun was Chairman. The though," (says The Courier), “ar- perilous scope of any such legislation rangements had previously been was at once clear to the keen intelmade at the Post-office to arrest the lect of that statesman, who had by circulation of incendiary matter, until this time learned to dread “ Consoliinstructions could be received from dation” as intensely as he detested the Department at Washington;" “ Abolition.” He reported (Februand “it might have been better, per- ary 4, 1836), that the measure prohaps, to have awaited the answer be- posed by the President would violate fore proceeding to extremities.” But the Constitution, and imperil public Mr. Amos Kendall, then Postmaster- liberty. General, was not the man to “hint a “Nothing is more clear," says the Report, fault, or hesitate dislike," with regard “than that the admission of the right of

Congress to determine what papers are into such mail robbery, though obliged

cendiary, and, as such, to prohibit their cirto confess that it was not strictly ac culation through the mail, necessarily incording to act of Congress.

volves the RIGHT to determine what are NOT incendiary, and ENFORCE 'their circulation.

* * * If Congress may this year decide “I am satisfied," he replied to the Post- what ince

by what incendiary publications ARE, they may, master's application, “that the Postinaster

next year, decide what they are not, and General has no legal authority to exclude |

thus laden their mails with real or covert newspapers from the mail, nor to prohibit |

abolitionism. * * * It belongs to the their carriage or delivery on account of their

STATES, and not to Congress, to determine character or tendency, real or supposed."

what is or is not calculated to disturb their “But I am not prepared to direct you to

security.” forward or deliver the papers of which you speak.” “By no act or direction of mine, He proposed, therefore, that each official or private, could I be induced to aid,

State should determine for itself what knowingly, in giving circulation to papers of this description, directly or indirectly.

kind of reading it would deem “inWe owe an obligation to the laws, but a cendiary,” and that Congress should higher one to the communities in which we live; and, if the former be permitted to de

thereupon prohibit the transmission stroy the latter, it is patriotism to disregard by mail of such matter to that State. them. Entertaining these views, I cannot He concluded with a bill, which consanction, and will not condemn, the step you have taken. Your justification must be

tained this provision : looked for in the character of the papers « Be it enacted, etc., That it shall not be detained, and the circumstances by which lawful for any deputy postmaster, in any you are surrounded."

State, Territory, or District, of the United

States, knowingly, to deliver to any person Governor Seward has been widely charged and credited with the author- bill, or other printed paper or pictorial repship of the “higher law” doctrine;

resentation, touching the subject of Sla

very, where, by the laws of the said State, but here we find it clearly set forth Territory, or District, their circulation is ding by 18 Year

President, give and edit a religious



prohibited ; and any deputy postmaster who | list in Newport, R. I., and in New shall be guilty thereof, shall be forthwith


York. He left the last-named city

II jaft removed from office."

in the autumn of that year, and reThis bill was ordered to a third turned to St. Louis, at the urgent inreading by 18 Yeas to 18 Nays-Mr. vitation of a circle of fellow-ChrisVan Buren, then Vice-President, giv- tians, who desired him to establish ing the casting vote in the affirma- and edit a religious newspaper in that tive. It failed, however, to pass; and city-furnishing a capital of twelve that ended the matter.

hundred dollars for the purpose, and

guaranteeing him, in writing, the enELIJAH P. LOVEJOY, son of Rev. tire control of the concern. The St. Daniel Lovejoy, and the eldest of Louis Observer, weekly, was accordseven children, was born at Albion, ingly first issued on the 22d of NoMaine, November 9, 1802. His an- vember. It was of the “Evangelicestors, partly English and partly cal” or Orthodox Protestant school, Scotch, all of the industrious middle but had no controversy, save with class, had been citizens of New Hamp- wickedness, and no purpose, but to shire and of Maine for several genera- quicken the zeal and enlarge the usetions. He was distinguished, from fulness of professing Christians, while early youth, alike for diligence in adding, if possible, to their number. labor and for zeal and success in the There is no evidence that it was comacquisition of knowledge. He grad- menced with any intent to war on uated with high honors at Water- Slavery, or with any expectation of ville College, Maine, in September, exciting the special hostility of any 1826. In May following, he turned interest but that of Satan. Its first his face westward, and in the autumn exhibition of a combative or belligerof that year found employment as a ent tendency had for its object the teacher in St. Louis. In 1828, he Roman Catholics and their dogmas; became editor of a political journal, but this, though it naturally provokof the “ National Republican” faith, ed some resentment in a city so and was thence actively engaged in largely Catholic as St. Louis, excited politics of the Clay and Webster no tumult or violence. Its first artischool, until January, 1832, when cles concerning Slavery were exceedhe was brought under deep religious ingly moderate in their tone, and faimpressions, and the next month vorable rather to Colonization than united with the Presbyterian Church. to immediate Abolition. Even when Relinquishing his political pursuits the editor first took decided ground and prospects, he engaged in a course against Slavery,lo he still affirmed his of study preparatory for the ministry, hostility to immediate, unconditional entering the Theological Seminary emancipation. This article was, in at Princeton, New Jersey, on the part, based on an editorial in The St. 24th of March. He received, next Louis Republican, of the preceding Spring, a license to preach from the week, which-discussing a proposed second Presbytery of Philadelphia, Convention to revise the Constitution and spent the Summer as an evange- of that State--said:

10 April 16, 1835.




“We look to the Convention as a happy | amongst us, is already moving in this great means of relieving the State, at some future | matter-it now wants to be directed in some day, of an evil which is destroying all our defined channel, to some definite end. wholesome energies, and leaving us, in 1 " Taken all in all, there is not a State in morals, in enterprise, and in wealth, behind this Union possessing superior natural adthe neighboring States. We mean, of | vantages to our own. At present, Slavery, course, the curse of Slavery. We are not like an incubus, is paralyzing our energies, about to make any attack upon the rights and, like a cloud of evil portent, darkening of those who at present hold this description all our prospects. Let this be removed, and of property. They ought to be respected to Missouri would at once start forward in the the letter. We only propose that measures race of improvement, with an energy and shall now be taken for the Abolition of rapidity of movement that would soon place Slavery, at such distant period of time as her in the front rank along with the most may be thought expedient, and eventually favored of her sister States." for ridding the country altogether of a color He continued to speak of Slavery ed population."

at intervals, through that summer, Mr. Lovejoy, commenting on the

| leaving his post in October to attend foregoing, wished that some South

a regular meeting of the Presbyterian ern-born man, of high character, de

Synod. cided ability, and fervent piety,

Directly after his departure, an exwould take up the subject of Slavery

citement commenced with regard to in a proper spirit, and, being fami

his strictures on Slavery; and the

proprietors of The Observer, alarmed and its difficulties, would show the

by threats of mob-violence, issued a people, practically, what they ought

ought card, promising that nothing should to do with regard to it. He con- be said on the exciting subject until tinued :

the editor's return; and, this not “To such a man, a golden opportunity of

proving satisfactory, they issued a furdoing good is offered. We believe the minds of the good people of this State are fully ther card on the 21st, declaring themprepared to listen to hiin-to give a dispas selves, “one and all,” opposed to the sionate consideration to the facts and rea

mad schemes of the Abolitionists. sonings he might present connected with the subject of Slavery. Public sentiment, Before this, a letterll had been written



ST. LOUIS, October 5, 1835. silence everything connected with the subject To the Rev. E. P. Lovejoy, Editor of The Observer :

of Slavery. We would like that you announce

in your paper, your intention so to do. Sir:-The undersigned, friends and support

We shall be glad to be informed of your deers of the “Observer," beg leave to suggest,

termination in relation to this matter. that the present temper of the times requires a

Respectfully, your obedient servants, change in the manner of conducting that print

ARCHIBALD GAMBLE, G. W. CALL, in relation to the subject of domestic Slavery.

NATHAN RANNEY, H. R. GAMBLE, • The public mind is greatly excited, and, owing

WILLIAM S. POTTS, HEZEKIAH KING, to the unjustifiable interference of our Northern

JNO. KERR. brethren with our social relations, the community are, perhaps, not in a situation to endure

I concur in the object intended by this comsound doctrine in relation to this subject. In


BEVERLY ALLEN. deed, we have reason to believe, that violence is even now meditated against the "Observer

I concur in the foregoing. Office ;" and we do believe that true policy and

J. B. BRYANT. the interests of religion require that the discus This document is indorsed as follows: sion of this exciting question should be at least "I did not yield to the wishes here expressed, postponed in this State.

and in consequence have been persecuted ever Although we do not claim the right to pre since. But I have kept a good conscience in scribe your course as an Editor, we hope that the matter, and that more than repays me for all the concurring opinions of so many persons, I have suffered, or can suffer. I have sworn having the interest of your paper and of reli eternal opposition to Slavery, and, by the blessgion both at heart, may induce you to distrust ing of God, I will never go back. Amen. your own judgment, and so far change the char

"E. P. L. acter of the “Observer," as to pass over in ' " October 24, 1837."


to the editor by nine eminent citizens and science, as it is degrading to the feelings of St. Louis (including H. R. Gam

of all sensitive minds-as destructive to the

intellect of after generations, as the advance ble, her present provisional Gover of science and literature has contributed to nor), urging him to pass over in

the improvement of our own. In short, its

practice would reduce the high intellectual silence everything connected with

standard of the American mind to a level with the subject of Slavery;" which, in the Hottentot; and the United States, now due time, he respectfully declined.

second to no nation on earth, would, in a

few years, be what Europe was in the darkThe immediate cause of the excite

est ages. ment here alleged was the illegal and “4. Resolved, That the Sacred Writings

furnish abundant evidence of the existence violent seizure, in Illinois, of two

of Slavery from the earliest periods. The white men suspected of having de- patriarchs and prophets possessed slaves-coved slaves away from Saint Louis. our Saviour recognized the relation between

master and slave, and deprecated it not: The suspected persons, having been

hence, we know that He did not condemn forcibly brought to St. Louis, and that relation ; on the contrary, His discithere tried and convicted by a mob,

ples, in all countries, designated their re

spective duties to each other. which voted, 40 to 20, to whip, | **Therefore, Resolved, That we consider rather than hang them were accord-Slavery, as it now exists in the United States,

as sanctioned by the sacred Scriptures.” ingly taken two miles back of the city, and there whipped between one Mr. Lovejoy, on his return to the and two hundred lashes the sixty city, put forth an address to “My wealthy and respectable citizens tak- Fellow-Citizens," wherein he said: ing turns in applying the lash. A “Of the first resolution passed at the public meeting was thereupon held, meeting of the 24th October, I have nothing wherein it was gravely

to say, except that I perfectly agree with

the sentiment, that the citizens of the non“2. Resolved, That the right of free dis slaveholding States have no right to intercussion and freedom of speech exists under | fere with the domestic relations between the Constitution ; but that, being a conven- | master and slave. tional reservation made by the people in " The second resolution, strictly speaking, their sovereign capacity, does not imply a neither affirms nor denies anything in refermoral right, on the part of the Abolitionists, ence to the matter in hand. No man has a to freely discuss the subject of Slavery, moral right to do anything improper. Wheeither orally or through the medium of the ther, therefore, he has the moral right to press. It is the agitation of a question too discuss the question of Slavery, is a point nearly allied to the vital interests of the with which human legislation or resolutions slaveholding States to admit of public dispu- | have nothing to do. The true issue to be tation, and so far from the fact, that the decided is, whether he has the civil, the movements of the Abolitionists are constitu- political right, to discuss it, or not. And tional, they are in the greatest degree sedi- | this is a mere question of fact. In Russia, tious, and calculated to excite insurrection in Turkey, in Austria, nay, even in France, and anarchy, and, ultimately, a dissever this right most certainly does not exist. But ment of our prosperous Union.

does it exist in Missouri? We decide this "3. Resolved. That we consider the course question by turning to the Constitution of pursued by the Abolitionists, as one calcu the State. The sixteenth section, article lated to paralyze every social tie by which thirteenth, of the Constitution of Missouri, we are now united to our fellow-man, and reads as follows: that, it persisted in, it must eventually be 66. That the free communication of thoughts the cause of the disseverment of these United | ' and opinions is one of the invaluable rights States; and that the doctrine of amalgama of man, and that every person inay freely tion is peculiarly baneful to the interests speak, write, and print on ANY SUBJECT, and happiness of society. The union of being responsible for the abuse of that liberblack and white, in a moral point of view, l 'ty.' we consider as the most preposterous and “Here, then, I find my warrant for using, impudent doctrine advanced by the infatua- | as Paul did, all freedom of speech. If I ted Abolitionists-as repugnant to judgment | abuse that right, I freely acknowledge my


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