One America?: Political Leadership, National Identity, and the Dilemmas of Diversity

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Stanley A. Renshon
Georgetown University Press, 2001 M07 31 - 320 páginas

With enormous numbers of new immigrants, America is becoming dramatically more diverse racially, culturally, and ethnically. As a result, the United States faces questions that have profound consequences for its future. What does it mean to be an American? Is a new American identity developing? At the same time, the coherence of national culture has been challenged by the expansion of—and attacks on—individual and group rights, and by political leaders who prefer to finesse rather than engage cultural controversies. Many of the ideals on which the country was founded are under intense, often angry, debate, and the historic tension between individuality and community has never been felt so keenly.

In One America?, distinguished contributors discuss the role of national leadership, especially the presidency, at a time when a fragmented and dysfunctional national identity has become a real possibility. Holding political views that encompass the thoughtful left and right of center, they address fundamental issues such as affirmative action, presidential engagement in questions of race, dual citizenship, interracial relationships, and English as the basic language.

This book is the first examination of the role of national political leaders in maintaining or dissipating America’s national identity. It will be vital reading for political scientists, historians, policymakers, students, and anyone concerned with the future of American politics and society.

Dentro del libro

Contenido

America at a Crossroads Political Leadership National Identity and the Decline of Common Culture
1
Which America? Nationalism among the Nationalists
26
Political Leadership and the Dilemmas of Diversity
65
The Presidency Leadership and Race
67
President Clintons Race Initiative Promise and Disappointment
89
Affirmative Action and the Failure of Presidential Leadership
109
American Culture and the Dilemmas of Diversity
139
Moving beyond Racial Categories
141
Reflections on American National Identity in an Age of Diversity
281
The End of American Identity?
283
American National Identity in a Postnational Age
306
How to Achieve One America Class Race and the Future of Politics
333
Political Leadership and the Dilemmas of Diversity Reconsidered
343
Leadership Capital and the Politics of Courage The Presidents Initiative on Race
345
Contributors
393
Index
397

Racial Preferences in Higher Education An Assessment of the Evidence
167
Dual Citizenship + Multiple Loyalties One America?
230

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Página 77 - My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is no.t either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it ; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it 5 and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.
Página 76 - I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.
Página 117 - You do not take a person who for years has been hobbled by chains and liberate him, bring him up to the starting line of a race and then say, you're free to compete with all the others, and still justly believe that you have been completely fair.
Página 147 - I am aware that all the Abolition lecturers that you find traveling about through the country are in the habit of reading the Declaration of Independence to prove that all men were created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Página 77 - If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. What I do about Slavery and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save this Union and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.
Página 30 - The twentieth century looms before us big with the fate of many nations. If we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease, and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by and will win for themselves the domination of the world.
Página 164 - So far as can be ascertained, the United States is the only country in the world that has closed its mails to the sending of samples of liquor.
Página 77 - Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause; and I shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause.
Página 171 - In order to get beyond racism, we must first take account of race. There is no other way. And in order to treat some persons equally, we must treat them differently.
Página 125 - The United States is not so strong, the final triumph of the democratic ideal is not so inevitable that we can ignore what the world thinks of us or our record.

Acerca del autor (2001)

Stanley A. Renshon, a certified psychoanalyst, is professor of political science at the City University of New York and coordinator of the Interdisciplinary Program in the Psychology of Social and Political Behavior in the university's Graduate Center. His seven books include High Hopes: The Clinton Presidency and the Politics of Ambition (New York University Press, 1996), which won the American Political Science Association’s Richard E. Neustadt Award for best book on the presidency.

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