assaulted him on a previous occasion, came across the hall within a few yards of him, and placing his hand in his pocket, said, 'I'll shoot him, by God! I'll shoot him,' at the same time taking care to cock his pistol so as to have the click

heard by those around him. Mr. Causin, a Whig from Maryland, instantly took his position in front of Giddings and directly between him and Dawson, folding his arms across his breast, with his right hand apparently resting upon the handle of his weapon, while Mr. Slidell of Louisiana, and Mr. Stiles of Georgia, with two

other Democratic members, at the same moment took their positions near Dawson. At the same time Kenneth Raynor, a North Carolina Whig, fully armed, took his place on the left of Giddings, while Mr. Hudson of Massachusetts placed himself on his right, and Mr. Foot of Vermont at the entrance of the aisle. With armed foes in front and friends on either hand Giddings continued his remarks; but the slaveholders in front began to realize the awkwardness of their position and quietly returned to their seats except Dawson, who remained until Giddings closed his speech, with Causin firmly facing him. Giddings in his 'History of the Rebellion' says that this was the last effort made to silence a member of the House by threats of personal violence during his service in Congress."

III.

Events following the Campaign of 1856-Republican Losses in the State Votes in 1857-The Causes thereof-Dissolution of the American Party-Republican Gains in 1858-Causes which led to the War-Aggressive Action of the Slave Power-President Buchanan's Position-The Struggle in Kansas and Nebraska-The Lecompton Constitution-Laws passed by the Territorial Legislature of New Mexico-Debates in the United States Senate and Position of the Parties-Abraham Lincoln and W. H. Seward-"The Impending Crisis "-Action of the Charleston, Baltimore, and Richmond Conventions-The Constitutional Union Party.

HE Republicans were encouraged by the support given them in the campaign of 1856, and they settled down to the work of building themselves up throughout the country; but the State elections of the following year were a sore blow to their hopes. A startling diminution in their majorities faced them all along They carried the New England States as before, but the majorities were cut in half. In Ohio their candidate Chase was re-elected, but by a majority of 1481 against Fremont's 16,623. Randall was elected in Wiscon

the line.

sin by less than 120, while the vote on the Presidential ticket the year before gave a majority of 13,247. In New York State the loss was more disastrous still, Fremont's plurality of eighty thousand changing to a Democratic plurality of eighteen thousand. This particular loss was largely owing to the breaking up of the American party, which was strong in New York State. They dropped into the Democratic ranks, and gave that party a considerable augmentation in its numbers and influence.

The reason for the heavy general and enthusiastic vote given to the party the previous year in the Presidential contest lay in the fact of Fremont's personal influence and popularity. His adventurous career, his comparative youth, and his manly courage in facing calmly and dispassionately the storm of vituperation and all the indecent and personal abuse born of an election fight, won him the

regard and admiration of the more youthful element of the country. An assault committed upon Senator Sumner, a Republican, by Senator Brooks, a Democrat, also won much sympathy for the new party. In the following year these favoring elements had disappeared, hence the loss of votes. But quite unexpectedly President Buchanan made a bad political break which helped the Republican party as perhaps nothing else could have done. Although the Democrats in 1856 plainly and distinctly stated their belief that Congress had no power to interfere with slavery in the States and Territories, the people of which have the exclusive right and power to settle that question for themselves, the government attempted to force upon Kansas the Lecompton Constitution, which provided that "the rights of property in slaves now in the Territory shall in no manner be interfered with." The immediate result of this repudiation of their own platform was seen in the elections of 1858. The Republicans maintained their hold with increased majorities on every State they had carried the previous year. Pennsylvania gave them a majority of 26,000 for the first time; they won New Jersey and Minnesota, and Ohio went 20,000 against the 16,623 that were won by Fremont's popularity. In Illinois Douglas and Lincoln ran for Senator. Douglas occupied a peculiar position. He had become an Anti-Lecompton Democrat. He favored the government, but not in this particular matter. Although it was understood that his reelection was distasteful to Buchanan, he was re-elected by the vote of 54 of the 101 members of the Legislature. The contest brought forth many very decided speeches regarding the slave question. Abraham Lincoln at Springfield, Ill., said: "If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. A house divided against itself cannot stand.' I believe this government cannot permanently endure half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved-I do not expect the house to fall-but I do expect that it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new-North as well as South." Referring to the so-called popular sovereignty

professions of the government, and speaking of the necessity of endorsing the ideas expressed in the Nebraska-Kansas bill, he said: "This necessity has been provided for in the notable argument of 'squatter sovereignty,' otherwise called

'sacred right of self-government'; which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted, in this attempted use of it, as to amount to just this: that, if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object."