cans to-day believe, more from a feeling on the part of England that if she should ever become involved in war, the United States would follow the same precedents of neutrality which the English government had set for it during the War of the Rebellion, and by following those precedents, with a great number of swift steamers at its command, it could sweep British commerce from the seas. Every harbor of the United States would be a resort for piratical Alabamas, and they could escape as easily as they had escaped from the harbors of England. The people of the United States would be as ready to add to the distress and annoy

ances of the people of England as the latter had been to add to the distress and annoyances of the people of the United States; and it was fair to presume that the American government would be just as neglectful and just as conniving in such a matter as the government of Great Britain had been when she allowed the Alabama, Shenandoah, and other cruisers to escape.

The settlement of the claims against Great Britain growing out of our Civil War constituted the most serious difficulties that have arisen with any foreign power since the Republican party came into office in 1861. There have been some

minor differences with Spain, over the treatment of insurgents in Cuba; there have been some diplomatic notes exchanged with Great Britain in regard to the fisheries, and with other countries of Europe in relation to minor matters; but nothing has ever come so near to embroiling two nations in war as did the great dispute in question.

In the last four years there have been several diplomatic troubles with foreign countries that required very careful handling. The first of these related to the Samoan Islands, in the South Pacific Ocean. There had been a lively competition between Germany and Great Britain to take possession of the islands of the Samoan group, together with many other islands in the Pacific Ocean that had not been appropriated by any strong government. The United States did not trouble themselves particularly in regard to various small groups or separate islands, but in Samoa they considered that they had a right to say something, because American citizens had commercial privileges there, which the Germans and British were endeavoring to ignore. The matter was really a legacy from the Cleveland administration to that of President Harrison, and nothing had been accomplished by President Cleveland; the matter was lagging in a very unsatisfactory way when the change of government threw the affair into President Harrison's hands. Immediately there were prompt measures taken and a firm policy adopted, and the affair was brought to an end very quickly, and in a way entirely honorable to the United States and satisfactory to all concerned. Since the settlement of the Samoan trouble there has been no further difficulty concerning our rights in that part of the world.

We had a nearer approach to actual hostilities in the affair with Chili, largely caused by British influence in Valparaiso and the other Chilian cities. great many diplomatic notes were interchanged, of which it is impossible to give even a summary; but the chief occasion of the difficulty seemed to be that at the same time there were two governments in Chili, each of which demanded recognition, and it was impossible for our government to recognize any other than the one which was established at the capital of the country. As soon as the revolutionary party had obtained complete control of the country, it was recognized at once, and the troubles would then have come to an end, had it not been for an unfortunate collision between the mob of Valparaiso and some of our sailors, who had liberty on shore. Volumes have been published on this subject, and there is a wide divergence of opinion; but it is believed by the great majority of those who are not actually hostile to the pres

ent administration, and can never see anything good in its acts, that the Chilian affair was happily and honorably terminated.

A very delicate question was opened by the lynching of some Italians at New Orleans-a question which involved the relations of the States to the general government and the responsibility of the general government to foreign countries for acts committed within the jurisdiction of the State courts. The outrageous character of the performance at New Orleans was primarily acknowledged by the President, and he plainly set forth the difficulties in the case. He could have shielded himself under the restrictions which the Constitution has placed upon the general government in its relations to the various States, but it is very much to the honor and credit of the administration that it did not seek to hide itself under technicalities. It is fair to assume that the action of the President was approved by every respectable citizen of the United States, whatever his party affiliations, for the reason that it restored us to harmonious relations with Italy and closed a breach which at one time threatened to become very wide and end in actual war.

Our latest foreign trouble has been in regard to the sealing industry in Behring Sea. On this subject there have been volumes of diplomatic correspondence, and while no one thought that there would actually be war between the two nations in regard to the catching of seals, there was a general feeling throughout the country that our rights in that part of the world had been very seriously and unjustly invaded by Great Britain-or rather, by Canada, which has been the cause of the greater part of our difficulties with Great Britain in the last sixty years; in fact, with the exception of the Civil War, she has been practically the only cause. The Boundaries and the Fisheries, and, in these later days, the sealing industry, have been constant sources of perplexity, and it seems almost idle to hope that these troubles will ever come to an end. The sealing industry was put in very great danger, and the loss to this country amounted to millions of dollars by the conduct of Canada in the aid and comfort which she gave to the poachers upon our domain. England seemed to have her own way about it during the Cleveland administration, and it was by no means easy for the administration of President Harrison to bring the thing to anything like a termination; but it has finally agreed, in consequence of the vigorous dispatches that were sent to the British government, that the questions shall be settled by arbitration, and in the meantime the slaughter of the seal herds shall be stopped. The British desire was to continue the slaughter, pending the arbi

tration, which would have required from two to four years, and in the meantime the herds of seals would have been wiped out of existence. The British contention was that the case was analogous to a dispute over a field, whose crop of hay might be gathered pending the arbitration, and in the following year another crop could be taken; the American contention was that the case was analogous to that of a piece of woodland, where one of the parties to the dispute was allowed to cut and carry away all the timber thereon during the progress of the arbitration concerning it. It was argued that in case the decision should be adverse to Great Britain she could laugh in her sleeve, because, in the meantime, she had gathered to her own use all the profits of the dispute. The American contention was sustained, and Englishmen and Americans alike can rejoice that the dispute bids fair to come to an end.

XIX.

Republican Convention of 1884-Preliminary Caucussing and Canvassing-The Candidates for the Nomination-Blaine the general Favorite-How the Balloting went on-Withdrawal of Gen. Logan and Nomination of Blaine-Wild Enthusiasm-The Platform-How a straight-out Plank on Protection was obtained-Principles of the Party on the great Questions of the Day-Mormonism and its Condemnation-Honest Ballot demanded-Pension Legislation— Action of the Democratic Convention-Grover Cleveland nominated-Characteristics of the Campaign-"Rum, Romanism and Rebellion "-Cleveland Elected by Burchard's Bungling.

HEN the Convention of 1884 met there was the usual lively preliminary squabble among the delegates concerning candidates, and much effort to secure support of delegates from the various States. It was conceded that Blaine would lead on the first ballot, but it was claimed on behalf of the other candidates that it would be impossible for him to obtain a majority vote among the delegates. The candidates that were put before the Convention were: Generals Hawley and Logan, President Arthur, Senator Edmunds, and Blaine. The name of every candidate was received with great enthusiasm by his friends, and in every instance he was earnestly cheered by men who were not intending to vote for him; it was considered a proper mark of respect to cheer anybody and everybody. When Maine was called there was a loud storm of applause; hats and handkerchiefs were waved; some of the delegates stood upon chairs and shouted with all the power of their lungs, and not a few of the most excited spectators and delegates opened umbrellas and swung them vigorously from side to side; the band struck up, but the voice of the multitude hushed its music, and for fully fifteen minutes all decorum was lost and the chairman rapped in vain to secure order. When silence was secured, the name of the candidate was mentioned, and there was renewed cheering, followed by a pause, which give Judge West, the nominating delegate, an opportunity to speak.