Constitution, but soon resigned the position. In 1869 he was on the State ticket for Comptroller, when it was foreseen that there was no chance for the party. In 1870 he ran for Congress, and, though defeated, ran ahead of his ticket.

The same kindly spirit that prompted him to fill out Charles G. Halpin's term in a municipal office and give the salary to his widow and orphans inspired him to go bail for Jefferson Davis. His defeat for the Presidency was a great disappointment to him, and his friends all admit that he died of a broken heart. He died in New York City, Nov. 29, 1872. He placed his mantle as editor of the Tribune on a young journalist he had called to his side-Whitelaw Reid-and the Tribune lives a Tribune lives a monument to his energy, patience, forbearance, genius, patriotism, and humanity.

XIII.

Grant's second Inaugural-Unexpected Sensitiveness to Criticism displayed-Condition of the South-Quiet restored-Effort to remove Political Disabilities-Defeated by Democratic Votes-Exception of Jefferson Davis and the Reasons for it-Convention of 1876-The Platform-Principles supported by the Republicans-The Candidates and the Votes in their Behalf-Rutherford B. Hayes Nominated-The October Elections-Close Vote in November-States and Votes in Dispute Settlement of the Trouble-Democratic Threats -The Electoral Commission-Inauguration of President Hayes-Civil Service Reform.

T the opening of his second administration General Grant, for the first time, gave expression to his personal feelings in regard to what he considered abuse and falsehood on the part of his political opponents. He said he had looked forward with the greatest anxiety for release from responsibilities which at times were almost overwhelming, and from which he had scarcely had a respite since the eventful firing on Fort Sumter down to that time. "My services," he said, "were then tendered and accepted under the first call for troops growing out of the event. I did not ask for place or position, and was entirely without influence or the acquaintance of persons of influence, but was resolved to perform my part in a struggle threatening the very existence of the nation. I performed a conscientious duty without asking promotion or command, and without a revengeful feeling toward any section or individual. Notwithstanding this, throughout the war, and from my candidacy for the presidential office, in 1868, to the close of the last presidential campaign, I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which to-day I feel I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict, which I gratefully accept as my vindication."

Some surprise and some amusement was created-especially in political circles at General Grant's manifestation of sensitiveness regarding what his

opponents might say. He did not seem to be aware that every incumbent of an office-no matter how low or how exalted it may be-is compelled to face more or less of personal abuse and misrepresentation, and may sometimes wonder why he is allowed to live. In the light of history, it can be seen that the abuse showered upon nearly every President who had preceded General Grant was as great as, and, in most instances, greater than, he had received. This was particularly the case with Jefferson in 1800, and in later years with Adams, Jackson, and also with the great candidate who suffered defeat, Henry Clay. The assertions against these men were far more severe and far more reckless than any which had been made against General Grant. The probability is that his military education and life in the army had not fitted him for a political career, and the fact that he was sensitive in regard to abuse, and showed his sensitiveness, was a practical illustration of his inexperience in civil affairs. But it was his unusually good fortune that during his lifetime many of those who had abused him came to eulogize him warmly, and virtually retracted all the slanders which they had put forth against him during his campaigns for the Presidency.

His second administration was less disturbed than the first by the question of reconstruction, as the Southern States were all nominally in a condition of peace, and the military forces in the South had been withdrawn.

The President's Annual Message, at the end of his first year, contained no reference to the condition of the South. The Ku-Klux clans and other organizations had ceased their outrages, through the vigilant prosecution of the United States courts, and as the Centennial year approached, it was hoped that every State of the Republic would be in the enjoyment of material prosperity and fairly enforcing the laws of the land.

During the session of Congress, in the winter of 1875, an effort was made to remove the political disabilities from every person in the country. A resolution was offered in Congress to that effect, with the exception of a very few persons. Blaine moved to amend the resolution by excepting Jefferson Davis from the benefits of the bill; the reason assigned for excepting him was not that he had been a rebel, but because, while President of the Confederacy, he had permitted extraordinary cruelties to be inflicted upon prisoners of war. It was claimed that he was legally and morally responsible, that he did not prevent the horrors of Andersonville when he had the power to do so. The bill required a two-thirds vote, and it failed of passage. The Republicans asked for a vote upon Jefferson

Davis alone, and that was refused by the opposition; if he alone had been exempted from the operation of the bill it would have been passed beyond question. It has been remarked in regard to that question, that if Davis thought he was

ungenerously treated by the Republicans, he must have found ample compensation in the conduct of the Southern and Northern Democrats, who kept seven hundred prominent supporters of the Rebellion under disability for the simple and only reason that he should not share in the clemency.

In 1876 there was a change from the ordinary practice of the Republican party. From 1860 down to that time the presidential nominations had been practically determined upon before the meeting of the Convention; but this was not the case in the Convention of the Centennial year. No candidate had been selected in advance, and when the National Convention assembled it was practically and really for the purpose of making a choice and not for carrying out the popular will. There was much difference between the leaders of the Republicans, and it was altogether impossible for any one to predict, with any sort of certainty, the name of the nominee. Senator Morton of Indiana, Senator Conkling of New York, Bristow of Kentucky, and General Hayes of Ohio were prominent candidates. There were also General Hartranft of Pennsylvania, and Blaine of Maine. Each of these men had an active support, and before the assembling of the Convention in formal proceedings there was a canvass among the friends of the various candidates.

The currency question was the great political issue of the time. Congress had passed the act providing for a return to specie payments in 1879. There were differences of opinion as to the wisdom of designating the time and making the preparations for resumption. Great skill was necessary in drawing the platform, and the work was intrusted to a sub-committee, consisting of men who were all experienced in the work. The platform which they reported was a clear and emphatic statement of all the issues before the country. It read as follows:

"When, in the economy of Providence, this land was to be purged of human slavery, and when the strength of the government of the people, by the people, and for the people, was to be demonstrated, the Republican party came into power. Its deeds have passed into history, and we look back to them with pride. Incited by their memories to high aims for the good of our country and mankind, and looking to the future with unfaltering courage, hope, and purpose, we, the representatives of the party, in national Convention assembled, make the following declaration of principles:

"1. The United States of America is a nation, not a league. By the combined workings of the National and State governments, under their respective constitutions, the rights of every citizen are secured, at home and abroad, and the common welfare promoted.

"2. The Republican party has preserved these governments to the hundredth anniversary of the nation's birth, and they are now embodiments of the great