sion about them."

nconsistency?" I declared again my belief that such a bill might be passed. And you then said to me, "what do you understand to be my opinions? State them: so that I may see that there is no misapprehenI then said that I understood you to be of opinion that congress might charter a bark in the District of Columbia, giving it its location here. To this you assented. That they might authorise such bank to establish offices of discount and deposit in the several states, with the assent of the states. To this you replied, "don't name discounts: they have been the source of the most abominable corruptions, and are wholly unnecessary to enable the bank to discharge its duties to the country and the government."

I observed in reply that I was proposing nothing, but simply endeavoring to state what I had understood to be your opinion as to the powers which congress might constitutionally confer on a bank; that on that point I stood corrected. I then proceeded to say that I understood you to be of opinion that congress might authorise such bank to establish agencies in the several states, with power to deal in bills of exchange, without the assent of the states, to which you replied, "yes, if they be foreign bilis, or bills drawn in one state and payable in another. That is all the power necessary for transmitting the public funds and regulating exchanges and the cur

rency."

measure,

have reason to believe, because you would give no expediency of your action; and, whatever you may
assurance that the delay was not sought as a means now believe as to the scruples existing in your mind,
and occasion for hostile movements. During this in this and in a kindred source there is strong ground
season of deep feeling and earnest exertion upon our to believe they have their origin.
part, while we were zealously devoting our talents If I be right in this, and I doubt not I am, here is
and influence to serve and to sustain you, the very a great public measure demanded by the country,
secrets of our cabinet councils made their appearance passed upon and approved by the representatives of
in an infamous paper, printed in a neighboring city, the states and the people, rejected by you as presi-
the columns of which were daily charged with flattery dent on grounds having no origin in conscience, and
of yourself and foul abuse of your cabinet. All this no reference to the public good. The rejection of
I bore; for I felt that my services, so long as they this measure, too, continues the purse with the sword
could avail, were due to the nation to that great in the hands of the executive, from which we strove
and magnanimous people whose suffrages elevated to wrest it in the contest which elevated your prede-
your predecessor to the station which you now fill, cessor and you to power. I cannot concur in this
and whose united voices approved his act when he your course of policy. In or out of office my opi-
summoned us around him, to be his counsellors; and I nions remain unchanged. I cannot abandon the prin-
felt that what was due to his memory, to the injunc- ciples for which, during all my political career, I
tions which he left us in his last dying words, and to have struggled; especially I cannot be one of the in-
the people, whose servants we were, had not all been struments by which the executive wields these com-
performed until every means was tried, and every bined, accumulated and dangerous powers.
hope had failed of carrying out the true principles
upon which the mighty movement was founded that
elevated him and you to power.

This bill, framed and fashioned according to your own suggestions, in the initiation of which I and another member of your cabinet were made by you the agents and negotiators, was passed by large majorities through the two houses of congress, and sent to you, and you rejected it. Important as was the part which I had taken, at your request, in the origination of this bill, and deeply as I was committed for your action upon it, you never consulted me on the subject of the veto message. You did not even refer to it in conversation, and the first notice I had of its contents was derived from rumor.

These, sir, are the reasons for the important step which I have felt it my duty to take, and I submit them as its justification. I am, very respectfully, yours, T. EWING.

To the President.

the National Intelligencer:
Letter from the secretary of state to the editors of
WASHINGTON, SEPTEMBER 13, 1841.
To Messrs. Gales & Seaton:

GENTLEMEN: Lest any misapprehension should exist, as to the reasons which have led me to differ from the course pursued by my late colleagues, I wish to say that I remain in my place, first, because

I have seen no sufficient reasons for the dissolution of the late cabinet, by the voluntary act of its own

members.

I am perfectly persuaded of the absolute necessity of an institution, under the authority of congress, to aid revenue and financial operations, and to give the country the blessings of a good currency and cheap

exchanges.

Mr. WEBSTER then expressed, in strong terms, his opinion that such a charter would answer all just purposes of government and be satisfactory to the people; and declared his preference for it over any which had been proposed, especially as it dispensed with the assent of the states to the creation of an institution And to me, at least, you have done nothing to wipe necessary for carrying on the fiscal operations of go- away the personal indignity arising out of the act. I vernment. He examined it at some length, both as gathered, it is true, from your conversation, shortly to its constitutionality and its influence on the cur- after the bill had passed the house, that you had a rency and exchanges, in all which views you expressed strong purpose to reject it; but nothing was said like your concurrence, desired that such a bill should be softening or apology to me, either in reference to introduced, and especially that it should go into the myself or to those with whom I had communicated hands of some of your friends. To my inquiry whe- at your request, and who had acted themselves and Notwithstanding what has passed, I have confither Mr. SERGEANT would be agreeable to you, you induced the two houses to act upon the faith of that dence that the president will co-operate with the lereplied that he would. You especially requested Mr. communication. And, strange as it may seem, the gislature in overcoming all difficulties in the attainWEBSTER and myself to communicate with Messrs. veto message attacks in an especial manner the very ment of these objects; and it is to the union of the BERRIEN and SERGEANT on the subject, to whom you provisions which were inserted at your request; and whig party-by which I mean the whole party, the said you had promised to address a note, but you even the name of the corporation, which was not whig president, the whig congress, and the whig doubted not that this personal communication would only agreed to by you, but especially changed to people-that I look for a realization of our wishes. You desired us, also, in meet your expressed wishes, is made the subject of I can look no where else. be equally satisfactory. communicating with those gentlemen, not to commit your criticism. Different men might view this tran- In the second place, if I had seen reasons to resign you personally, lest, this being recognised as your saction in different points of light, but, under these my office, I should not have done so without giving might be made a subject of comparison circumstances, as a matter of personal honor, it the president reasonable notice, and affording him to your prejudice in the course of discussion. You would be hard for me to remain of your counsel, to time to select the hands to which he should confide and Mr. WEBSTER then conversed about the particu- seal my lips and leave unexplained and undisclosed the delicate and important affairs now pending in lar wording of the 16th fundamental article, contain- where lies in this transaction the departure from this department. ing the grant of power to deal in exchanges, and of straightforwardness and candor. So far indeed from I am, gentlemen, respectfully, your obedient serthe connexion in which that grant should be intro- admitting the encouragement which you gave to this vant, duced; you also spoke of the name of the institution, bill in its inception, and explaining and excusing desiring that that should be changed. To this I ob- your sudden and violent hostility towards it, you jected, as it would probably be made a subject of throw into your veto message an interrogatory equiridicule, but you insisted that there was much in a valent to an assertion that it was such a bill as you name, and this institution ought not to be called a had already declared could not receive your sancbank. Mr. WEBSTER undertook to adapt it in this tion. Such is the obvious effect of the first interroparticular to your wishes. Mr. BELL then observed gatory clause on the second page. It has all the to Mr. WEBSTER and myself that we had no time to force of an assertion without its open fairness. I lose; that if this were not immediately attended to, have met and refuted this, the necessary inference another bill, less acceptable, might be got up and from your language, in my preceding statement, the reported. We replied that we would lose no time. correctness of which you I am sure will not call in Mr. WEBSTER accordingly called on Messrs. BERRIEN question. and SERGEANT immediately, and I waited on them by his appointment at 5 o'clock on the same day, and agreed upon the principles of the bill in accordance with your expressed wishes. And I am apprised of the fact, though it did not occur in my presence, that after the bill was drawn up, and before it was reported, it was seen and examined by yourself; that your attention was specially called to the 16th fundamental article: that on full examination you concurred in its provisions: that at the same time its name was so modified as to meet your approbation: and the bill was reported and passed, in all essential particulars, as it was when it came through your

hands.

DANIEL WEBSTER.

The following letter from the secretary of state,

addressed to H. Ketchum, esq. appeared in the New York papers of Tuesday last:

WASHINGTON, SEPT. 11, 1841. MY DEAR SIR,-I thank you for your kind and friendly letter.

You will have learned that Messrs. EWING, BELL, BADGER and CRITTENDEN have resigned their respective offices. Probably Mr. GRANGER will feel bound to follow the example. This occurrence can hardly cause you the same degree of regret which it has occasioned to me; as they are not only my friends, but persons with whom I have had, for some time, a daily official intercourse. I could not partake in this movement.

Your veto to the first bill you rested on constitutional ground and the high convictions of conscience; and no man, in my opinion, had a right to question your sincerity. I so said, and I so acted, for, through all the contest and collision that arose out of that act, It is supposed to be justified, I presume, by the you had my adherence and support. But how is it differences which have arisen between the president with respect to this? The subject of a bank is not and congress, upon the means of establishing a proper new to you; it is more than twenty years that you fiscal agency, and restoring a sound state of the curhave made it an object of consideration and of study, rency; and collateral matters, growing out of these especially in its connexion with the constitutional differences. I regret these differences as deeply as powers of the general government. You, therefore, any man; but I have not been able to see in what could not be, and you were not, taken unprepared on manner the resignation of the cabinet was likely this question. The bill which I reported to con- either to remove or mitigate the evils produced by gress, with your approbation, at the commencement them. On the contrary, my only reliance for a reYou asked Mr. WEBSTER and myself each to pre- of the session, had the clause relating to agencies, medy for those evils has been, and is, on the union, pare and present you an argument touching the con- and the power to deal in exchanges, as strongly deve- conciliation and perseverance of the whole whig stitutionality of the bill; and before those arguments loped as the one you have now rejected, and equally party, and I by no means despair of seeing yet accomcould be prepared and read by you, you declared, as without the assent of the states. You referred spe- plished, by these means, all that we desire. It may I heard and believe, to gentlemen, members of the cially and with approbation to that clause, many render us more patient under disappointment in rehouse, that you would cut off your right hand rather days after, in a conversation held in the department gard to one measure, to recollect, as is justly stated than approve it. After this new resolution was taken, of state. You sanctioned it in this particular bill as by the president in his last message, how great a you asked and earnestly urged the members of your detailed above. And no doubt was thrown out on number of important measures have been already cabinet to postpone the bill; but you would neither the subject by you, in my hearing, or within my successfully carried through. I hardly know when give yourself, nor suffer them to give, any assurance knowledge, until the letter of Mr. Borrs came to such a mass of business has been despatched in a sinof your future course, in case of such postponement. your hands. Soon after the reading of that letter, gle session of congress. By some of us, and I was myself one, the effort was you threw out strong intimations that you would veto made to gratify your wishes, in the only way in which the bill if it were not postponed. That letter I did it could be done with propriety; that is, by obtaining and do most unequivocally condemn, but it did not the general concurrence of the whig members of the affect the constitutionality of the bill, or justify you two houses in the postponement. It failed, as in rejecting it on that ground; it could affect only the

The annual winter session is now near at hand; the same congress is again soon to assemble, and feeling as deeply as I ever did, the indispensable necessity of some suitable provision for the keeping of the public money, for aid to the operations of the treasury, and

to the high public interests of currency and exchange, I am not in haste to believe that the party, which has now the predominance, will not, in all these respects, yet fulfil the expectations of the country. If it shall not, then our condition is forlorn indeed. But for one, I will not give up the hope.

1st. In the restraint of executive power and pa

My particular connection with the administration, however, is in another department. I think very humbly-none can think more humbly-of the value of the services which I am able to render to the public in that post. But as there is, so far as I know, on all subjects affecting our foreign relations, a concur-tronage; rence in opinion between the president and myself; 2d. In the wholesome regulation of the currency and as there is nothing to disturb the harmony of our and the advancement of the interests of industry; and intercourse, I have not felt it consistent with the duty which I owe to the country, to run the risk, by any tration of the finances. 3d. In the establishment of an economical adminissudden or abrupt proceeding, of embarrassing the executive, in regard to subjects and questions now immediately pending, and which intimately affect the preservation of the peace of the country. I am, dear sir, with constant regard, your's, &c. &c. (Signed) DAN'L. WEBSTER.

years' duration, maintained with unexampled devo-chief. It is true, that towards that individual, even tion; and its principles were illustrated by the pre- at the moment of the selection for the vice presidencepts and practice of the most eminent and patriotic cy, no very earnest public attention had been directof our citizens in every form by which they were ed; and it is equally true that but a passing regard able to address themselves to the intelligence of the was bestowed upon the current of his previous life people. No one misapprehended these principles; and opinions. We only knew him as one professing they were identified with the labors of that great to be a member of the whig party, and as seeking to party whose unparalled success was both the token identify himself with those great leaders of that party and the reward of the general confidence of the na- whose opinions and principles were deeply engraved tion. They promised reform— in the most conspicuous acts of our political history, and were read and understood by every citizen in the land. In this connection, where he had sought to be what doubtless he meant, to be a pledge of faithful prominent, we discerned what we conceived, and adherence to the cardinal doctrines for which we struggled, and with which the hopes of the country were indissolubly bound up. We hoped to find conThey proposed to accomplish the first of these ob-solation also in the fact that his accession to the prejects by limiting the service of the president to a sin-sidency brought him into communion and intimate gle term; by forbidding all officers of the government political fellowship with the chosen vanguard of the from interfering in elections; and by a voluntary self-whig party-the first selection made by general IIardenial, on the part of the chief magistrate, in that ex-rison of a cabinet, distinguished for its paramount cessive use of the veto power which had recently ability, integrity and fidelity to the glorious cause in become so offensive to the country as an instrument which we had conquered-a cabinet eminently crownof party supremacy. ed with the public confidence, in whom all men trustCONGRESSIONAL WIIIG MEETING. They hoped to achieve their next object by the ed as in the very embodiment of the principles of the At a meeting of the WHIG members of the SENATE establishment of a national bank; by the adjustment party to which they belonged: who were inseparably and HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES of the 27th congress of the system of duties upon a moderate and perma-associated with its glory, and in whose generous and of the United States, held in the city of Washington, nent scale, adopted as nearly as practicable to the honorable relation to the president we had the secuon the 11th September, 1841The hon. NATHAN F. DIXON, of Rhode Island, on interest, and conformable with the views of every rity of wise and prosperous councils, and he the the part of the senate, and the hon. JEREMIAH MOR-Portion of the union; by the establishment of a uni- pledge of a co-operation which should enable him to Row, of Ohio, on the part of the house, were called form system of bankruptcy; and by the distribution of accomplish all that the nation desired. These hopes to the chair, and KENNETH RAYNER, of North Caro-the proceeds of the public lands amongst the states were still further enlivened by the encouraging tone lina, CHRISTOPHER MORGAN, of New York, and RICHthe nation, to the "ever glorious example" afforded in which the president referred, in his first address to ARD W. THOMPSON, of Indiana, were appointed sehim by the fathers of the great republican school, and the declaration of his determination to walk in the path which they pointed out.

H. KETCHUM, esq. New York.

cretaries.

Mr. MANGUM, of North Carolina, offered the following resolutions:

of justice to the states themselves, but also by a sad a measure recommended not only by considerations experience of the embarrassment produced in the currency resulting from the administration of a fund of such variable amount as an item in the ordinary revenue of the government. The establishment of Resolved, That it is expedient for the whigs of the an economical administration of the finances they senate and house of representatives of the United expected to attain by putting down all useless offices; States to publish an address to the people of the U. by enforcing a strict accountability of the public States, containing a succinct exposition of the pro-agents; and more conspicuously, by making exact minent proceedings of the extra session of congress, and adequate provision for the ascertainment and of the measures that have been adopted, and those in eventual liquidation of that public debt which the which they have failed, and the causes of such failure; past administration had created by permitting their together with such other matters as may exhibit tru- expenditures to overrun their receipts, and which ly the condition of the whig party and whig pros- they had concealed from public observation by the easy device of repeated issues of government notes. These were the prominent points to which the poconstituted the great issues before the country in the recent presidential election. We are aware that our adversaries in that contest now deny these issues, founding their denial chiefly upon the fact that no formal manifesto was put forth to declare the terms upon which we insisted. We chose rather to appeal to the widely diffused knowledge of our principles which had been impressed upon every man's mind in that long struggle of years gone by; with which one party had been identified, and of which its very name was an exponant.

pects.

Resolved, That a committee of three on the part of the senate, and five on the part of the house, be ap-licy of the whig party had been directed, and which pointed to prepare such address, and submit it to a meeting of the whigs on Monday morning next, the 13th inst. at half past 8 o'clock.

And the question being taken on said resolutions, they were unanimously adopted.

Whereupon the following gentleman were appointed said committee: Messrs. BERRIEN, of Georgia, TALLMADGE, of New York, and SMITH, of Indiana, on the part of the senate; and Messrs. EVERETT, of Vermont, MASON, of Ohio, KENNEDY, of Maryland, JOHN C. CLARK, of New York, and RAYNER, of N. Carolina, on the part of the house.

When, on motion, the meeting adjourned, to meet again on Monday morning.

MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 13, 1841.

The meeting assembled, pursuant to adjournment. Mr. KENNEDY, of Maryland, from the committee appointed for that purpose, reported the following

ADDRESS.

In the indulgence of these hopes, congress entered upon its labors. By adopting rules for the despatch of business conformable to the emergency of an extra session, and in view of the great amount of legislation which the times required, we have been enabled to achieve all, and even more than all, that our constituents could have demanded at our hands. The leading and great measures of this session, have been under discussion, in congress and out of it, for many years past, and little remained to be said beyond a repetition of former debates. There was nothing in the circumstances or position of either party in congress to require, or even to justify, protracted discussions; and the majority, therefore, felt themselves entitled to give to the extra session the character of a congress of action and decision, rather than one of debate; and we feel assured that in this effort we have done no more than respond to the just expectations of the people.

First in urgency amongst the bills passed during the session, and that to which the public command most imperatively drew the notice of congress, was the repeal of the sub-treasury law. Our next care was the enactment of the land bill. This was followed It need not be said that, in a representation spread by an act converting the debt which the preceding over a territory of such extent as that comprehended administration had entailed upon the country into a by our union, and exhibiting interests so diversified, loan of twelve million of dollars, which is limited what might be called the characteristic principles of for its redemption to a period of three years. Associbe subject to occasional modifications, dependent up-ed necessary not only as a provision towards the exthe whig party, throughout this wide sphere, should ated with this measure was the revenue bill, renderon local influences; and that it was incumbent, there- tinguishment of the loan, but also as indispensable for fore, upon the party to move together in a spirit of the supply of means to meet the ordinary and necesFELLOW-CITIZENS:-The extra session of congress mutual concession and accommodation of sectional sary appropriations of the year. The bankrupt act, has, at length, been brought to a close. The inci- difference of opinion. It need not be told that, in the so earnestly and so long solicited by a large and meridents which belong to the history of this session, and system of measures which we have enumerated, con- toricus class of our citizens, has been passed under especially those which have marked its termination, flicting views might naturally exist between the re- circumstances which cannot but reflect the highest are of a nature to make so strong an impression presentatives of distant portions of our republic, and honor upon the representatives of many sections of upon the country, and to excite so much interest in that only by the yielding of minor interests to the es- the country. As a measure standing alone, it might the future action and relations of the whig party, to be obtained in the action of congress. tablishment of the general good, entire harmony was perhaps have been destined to a further delay, but that the whig representatives in both houses of conThis was being brought, as it was, into that series of measures gress have thought it their duty, before separating, natural, and to be expected. But we felt a proud which were supposed to embrace the scheme of relief to address their constituents with a brief exposition consciousness that in the patriotism of the party all which the nation at large required, it met from a whig of the circumstances in which they conceive themsuch difficulties would vanish, and that the demands congress that support of which the chief argument selves to be placed by the events which have recent- of an enlarged welfare would be met and fulfilled, and highest value are driven from the respect which ly transpired. through the virtue of that spirit of compromise and every one felt to be due to a comprehensive policy, forbearance, that liberal and comprehensive senti- whose scope should include every interest in the naThis session of congress was called as almost the ment of self-denial and concession, which rests at the tion. It is a trial for the benefit of the country, and first measure of that illustrious and lamented citizen heart of our confederacy, and which constitutes the remains to be altered or improved as the public wants whose election to the presidency was no less signifi-living principle of our union. Before the appointed may hereafter be found to require. The importance, cant of the general sentiment of condemnation of the day arrived for the meeting of congress, and that at in the present posture of our affairs, of attending to acts of the preceeding administration, than it was ex- the expiration of but one short month from the date the national defences, suggested the measures of espressive of a wish for an immediate and radical change of his inauguration, our beloved president was snatch-tablishing a home squadron, of repairing and arming in the public policy. The improvidence of those who ed from us by the grasp of death: too soon for the the fortifications, of providing for the defence of the had just been expelled from power had rendered it happiness of his country, but not too soon to awaken lakes; and of bringing the nation at large into a state inevitable; and the country hailed the meeting of a in our bosoms a deep and awful sense of the irrepa- of readiness against hostile aggression-in regard to new congress as the sure pledge of relief from all rable loss which we have sustained in the deprivathose evils which the disastrous incompetency of the men at the head of affairs had brought upon it.

The people desired the early adoption of the policy which had been promised them by the whig party. That policy had been brought to the consideration of the country throughout a contest of nearly twelve

tion of a great and good man-not too soon to con-
vince us how long and how bitterly our country is
doomed to deplore this heavy misfortune. In this
our calamity, we hoped to find consolation in the
character and principles of him whom the constitu-
tion had designated to fill the office of the departed

which measures, as great unanimity prevailed in congress, we may safely assure ourselves they will meet the undivided approbation of our constituents throughout the whole union.

This rapid review, fellow citizens, will exhibit what we have done. What we have failed to do remains to be told.

By the adoption of a single term for the incumbent of the presidential office.

By a separation of the purse from the sword, and with that view to place the appointment of the head of the treasury in congress; and

By subjecting the power of dismissal from office to just restrictions, so as to render the president amenable for its exercise.

Second. The establishment by congress of a fiscal agent, competent to collect, safely keep, and disburse the public moneys, to restore the currency and to equalize the exchanges of the currency; and Third. The introduction of economy in the administration of the government, and the discontinuance of all sinecures and useless offices.

It is with profound and poignant regret that we find | trates by reference to the "dealings in the exchanges" First. A reduction of the executive power, by a ourselves called upon to invoke your attention to this of the Bank of the United States in 1833, which the further limitation of the veto, so as to secure obedipoint. Upon the great and leading measure touching president affirms "amounted to upwards of one hun-ence to the public will, as that shall be expressed by this question, our anxious endeavors to respond to the dred millions of dollars." Yet this plan, when it was the immediate representatives of the people and the earnest prayer of the nation have been frustrated by submitted to him, was objected to on a new ground. states, with no other control than that which is inan act as unlooked for as it is to be lamented. We The last veto has narrowed the question of a bank dispensable to avert hasty or unconstitutional legislagrieve to say to you that by the exercise of that pow-down to the basis of the sub-treasury scheme, and it tion. er in the constitution which has ever been regarded is obvious from the opinions of that message that the with suspicion, and often with odium, by the people-country is not to expect any thing better than the exa power which we had hoped was never to be exhibited, ploded sub-treasury, or some measure of the same on this subject, by a whig president-we have been character, from Mr. TYLER. defeated in two attempts to create a fiscal agent, In the midst of all these varieties of opinion, an which the wants of the country had demonstrated to impenetrable mystery seemed to hang over the whole us, in the most absolute form of proof, to be eminent- question. There was no such frank interchange of ly necessary and proper in the present emergency. sentiment as ought to characterize the intercourse of Twice have we, with the utmost diligence and deli- a president and his friends, and the last persons in the beration, matured a plan for the collection, safe-keep-government who would seem to have been intrusted ing and disbursing of the public moneys through the with his confidence on those embarrassing topics were agency of a corporation adapted to that end, and the constitutional advisers which the laws had protwice has it been our fate to encounter the opposition vided for him. of the president, through the application of the veto power. The character of that veto in each case, the circumstances in which it was administered, and the grounds upon which it has met the decided disapprobation of your friends in congress, are sufficiently apparent in the public documents and the debates relating to it. This subject has acquired a painful interest with us, and will doubtless acquire it with you, from the unhappy developments with which it is accompanied. We are constrained to say, that we find no ground to justify us in the conviction that the veto of the president has been interposed on this question solely upon conscientious and well considered opinions of constitutional scruple as to his duty in the case presented. On the contrary, too many proofs have been forced upon our observation to leave us free from the apprehension, that the president has permitted himself to be beguiled into an opinion that, by this exhibition of his prerogative, he might be able to divert the policy of his administration into a channel which should lead to new political combinations, and accomplish results which must overthrow the present divisions of party in the coun- to others. try, and finally produced a state of things which In regard to the first, we are constrained to say, those who elected him, at least have never con- that the president, by the course he has adopted in Animated by these principles, and guided by Protemplated. We have seen from an early period respect to the application of the veto power to two vidence, defeat is impossible, and triumphant success of the session, that the whig party did not enjoy the successive bank charters, each of which there was inevitable. We may confidently hope that vast numconfidence of the president. With mortification we just reason to believe would meet his approbation; by bers of our fellow citizens, who have been hitherto have observed that his asssociations more sedulously his withdrawal of confidence from his real friends in separated from us, will unite with us under such a aimed at a free communion with those who have congress and from the members of his cabinet; by his glorious standard; and that majorities in both houses been busy to prostrate our purposes, rather than bestowal of it upon others notwithstanding their no- of congress sufficiently large may be secured to carthose whose principles seemed to be most identified torious opposition to leading measures of his adminis-ry any measure demanded by the welfare of the nawith the power by which he was elected. We have tration, has voluntarily separated himself from those tion, in spite of the interposition of the power with reason to believe that he has permitted himself to be by whose exertions and suffrages he was elevated to which any one man may have been accidentally inapproached, counselled and influenced by those who that office through which he reached his present ex-vested. Disappointed in that if such should be our have manifested least interest in the success of whig alted station. The existence of this unnatural rela- lot, there will remain the hope of an amendment of What were represented to be his opi- tion is as extraordinary as the annunciation of it is the constitution curtailing the executive power. And nions and designs have been freely and even in-painful and mortifying. What are the consequences if that should fail, we have only to recur to the nosolently put forth in certain portions, and those not and duties which grow out of it? ble example of our ancestors, to recollet the duty we the most reputable, of the public press, in a manner owe to ourselves and posterity, and to bear with that ought to be deemed offensive to his honor, as it manly fortitude three years longer the sufferings incertainly was to the feelings of those who were beflicted during the last twelve years by the mal-admilieved to be his friends. In the earnest endeavor nistration of the executive department of the governmanifested by the members of the whig party in ment. We shall have the consolation of reflecting congress to ascertain specifically the president's nothat, in the mean time, if the president can prevent tions in reference to the details of such a bill relating the attainment of all the good which congress is deto a fiscal agent as would be likely to meet his approsirous to accomplish, congress may check or prevent bation, the frequent changes of his opinion, and the some of the mischiefs which, under a different state singular want of consistency in his views, have baffled of majorities in the body, he might have the power his best friends, and rendered the hope of adjustment J. MACPHERSON BERRIEN, with him impossible. N. P. TALLMADGE, O. H. SMITH,

In this review of the position into which the late events have thrown the whig party, it is with profound sorrow we look to the course pursued by the presi- To the effectuation of these objects ought the exdent. He has wrested from us one of the best fruits ertions of the whigs hereafter to be directed. Those of a long and painful struggle, and the consummation only should be chosen members of congress who are of a glorious victory: he has even perhaps thrown us willing cordially to co-operate in the accomplishonce more upon the field of political strife, not weak-ment of them. Instead of striking our flag, let it be ened in numbers, nor shorn of the support of the reared still higher, with a firmer hand, bearing upon country, but stripped of the arms which success had its folds in conspicuous letters, THE WILL OF THE placed in our hands, and left again to rely upon that NATION UNCONTROLLED BY THE WILL OF ONE MAN: high patriotism which for twelve years sustained us in ONE PRESIDENTIAL TERM, A FRUGAL GOVERNMENT, AND a conflict of unequalled asperity, and which finally NO SUB-TREASURY, OPEN OR COVERT, IN SUBSTANCE OR brought us to the fulfilment of those brilliant hopes IN FACT: NO GOVERNMENT BANK, BUT AN INSTITUTION which he has done so much to destroy. CAPABLE OF GUARDING THE PEOPLE'S TREASURE AND ADMINISTERING to the people'S WANTS."

measures.

In this state of things, the whigs will naturally look with anxiety to the future, and inquire what are the actual relations between the president and those who brought him into power; and what, in the opinion of their friends in congress, should be their course hereafter. On both of these questions we feel it to be our duty to address you in perfect frankness and without reserve, but, at the same time, with due respect

Rallying under that banner, let us appeal to that people whose patriotic exertions led to victory in the late glorious struggle. Let us invoke the action of the legislative councils of the sovereign states of this union. Instructed by their immediate constituents, let them ascertain and express the public will in relation to these great questions; and especially let them, within their respective constitutional spheres, exert themselves to give it effect.

The first consequence is, that those who brought
the president into power can be no longer, in any
manner or degree, justly held responsible or blamed
for the administration of the executive branch of the
government; and that the president and his advisers
should be exclusively hereafter deemed accountable.
But, as by the joint acts of Providence and the people
he is constitutionally invested with the powers of
chief magistrate, whilst he remains in office he should
be treated with perfect respect by all. And it will
be the duty of the whigs, in and out of congress, to to impose.
give to his official acts and measures fair and full
consideration, approving them and co-operating in
their support where they can, and differing from and
opposing any of them only from a high sense of pub-
lic duty.

Congress, early in the session, called upon the se-
cretary of the treasury for the plan of a fiscal agent:
the result of this call was a bill which was reported
in detail, with an argument in its favor, and it was,
as we had a right to regard it, received by all as the
The more important question remains to be touch-
bill of the president. In fact, it was known to con- ed. What ought to be the future line of conduct of
tain provisions, in reference to the assent of the states, the whig party in the extraordinary emergency which
which corresponded with the private opinion of no now exists?
member of the cabinet. This bill the president had They came into power to accomplish great and pa-
even informed more than one member of the house triotic objects. By the zeal and perseverance of the
he would be willing to sign if passed by congress-majorities in congress, some of the most important
yet it contained provision for local discounting, in re- of those objects have been carried at the extra ses-
gard to which his veto message affirms his objection sion. Others yet remain to be effected. The con-
to be altogether insuperable. The president has sub- duct of the president has occasioned bitter mortifica-
sequently declared that this was not his measure, and tion and deep regret. Shall the party, therefore,
that when he said he would sign this bill he had not yielding to sentiments of dispair, abandon its duty,
read it. The plan of an exchange bank, such as was and submit to defeat and disgrace? Far from suffer-
reported after the first veto, the president is understood ing such dishonorable consequences, the very disap-
by more than one member of congress to whom he pointment which it has unfortunately experienced
expressed his opinion, to have regarded as a favorite should serve only to redouble its exertions, and to in-
measure. It was in view of this opinion, suggested spire it with fresh courage to persevere with a spirit
as it is in his first veto, and after using every proper unsubdued and a resolution unshaken, until the pros-
effort to ascertain his precise views upon it, that the perity of the country is fully re-established, and its
committee of the house of representatives reported liberties firmly secured against all danger from the
their second bill. It made provision for a bank with-abuses, encroachments or usurpations of the execu-
out the privilege of local discounting, and was adapted tive department of the government.

as closely as possible, to that class of mercantile ope- At the head of the duties which remain for the rations which the first veto message describes with whigs to perform towards their country stands conapprobation, and which that paper specifically illus-picuously and pre-eminently above all others

Committee of the senate.

J. P. KENNEDY,

S. MASON,

HORACE EVERETT,

J. C. CLARK,

K. RAYNER,

Committee of the house of representatives. Whereupon the question was taken upon the adoption of said address, and it was unanimously adopted. Ordered, That twenty thousand copies of said address be printed, and circulated among the people of the United States.

Ordered, That said address be signed by the members of the committee appointed to prepare the same, and that the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the presidents, and countersigned by the secretaries.

On motion, the meeting then adjourned sine die.
NATHAN F. DIXON,

JEREMIAH MORROW,} presidents.

K. RAYNER,
CHRISTOPHER MORGAN,Secretaries.
R. W. THOMPSON,

LAND BILL. Mr. Raynor, of N. C. in his speech in the house of representatives, July 6th, submitted the following statement, showing the amount which

each state would receive under this bill, $3,300,000 | mation. We paid to foreigners for sugar, in 1839,
to be distributed each year, and supposing the ratio
of representation under the late census to be put at
60,000. If any other ratio should be agreed on, (he
adds), the relative proportion will be the same. The
sums are stated in round numbers:
Maine
$96,000 South Carolina
New Hampshire 48,000 Georgia
Vermont
48,000 Alabama
Massachusetts 144,000 Mississippi
Connecticut
Rhode Island
New York

QUARTERMASTER'S DEPARTMENT.
Quartermaster general.
Thomas S. Jesup; major gen. bv't. in charge of de-
Ass't. quartermasters general with the rank of colonel.
Henry Stanton, N. York, inspector of the department.
Trueman Cross, Washington.

$9,924,622 which exceeds in value any one article of
our exports, except cotton, and except the exports of
tobacco for only two years, viz: 1836 and 1839-partment at Washington.
the former it amounted to $10,494,104; the latter,
$10,449,155. The shipments of molasses from New
$84,000 Orleans to our eastern cities have increased alike
108,000 with those of sugar. In 1836, 419,958 gallons were
96,000 shipped; in 1840, 3,830,400 gallons. In 1839 we im-
48,000 ported 23,094,677 gallons, valued at $4,364,234.-
48,000 Richmond carries on a considerable trade with New
144,000 Orleans in sugar and molasses.

132,000

60,000 Louisiana 12,000 Tennessee 480,000 Kentucky

New Jersey

72,000 Ohio

300,000

Pennsylvania

Delaware

Maryland
Virginia

204,000 Arkansas North Carolina 120,000 Michigan

36,000

THE CENSUS. An act approved September 1st, extends the time allowed to the marshals of the states and territories for making their returns of the sixth census, until the 1st day of January, 1842. The time allowed to assistants for completing their enumeration is extended to 1st December next. Both marshals and their assistants continue subject to all penalties contained in previous acts, unless their returns are made in the time which this act prescribes. This act also authorises a new enumeration of the inhabitants of Montgomery county, Maryland, in consequence of the alleged incorrectness of the late returns.

NORTHEASTERN BOUNDARY. The Bangor Whig says: "The United States troops, ordered to occupy the posts at the Aroostook and Fish river, in the disputed territory, started from Houlton on Tuesday last. The first detachment started with a heavy team of oxen and all the necessary implements for clearing the roads and for erecting suitable quarters and barracks. A good military road, supported at the expense of the general government, from Houlton to Fish rvier, may soon be expected, and a regular mail route, with a post office at Fish river and the Aroostook, will be established immediately. The general government is now fairly upon the territory, and there will be no backing out until a final settlement of the question, which, under the present efficient administration cannot be long delayed."

THE ARMY.
GENERAL ORDERS, NO. 52.

Head-quarters of the Army, Adjutant General's Office, Washington, September 11, 1841. The following regulations for the government of officers of the subsistence department, directed by the department of war, are announced in orders for the information and government of all concerned.

"The assistant commissary general of subsistence and commissaries of subsistence shall have choice of stations according to rank; but no junior shall be removed from his station when claimed by a senior, until he shall have served thereat one year.

All officers of the subsistence department shall be subject to duty on the field.

Assistant commissaries of subsistence, unless on
very special occasions, when sanctioned by the major
general commanding, shall served with their respec-
tive companies.

In addition to his other duties, the assistant com-
missary general of subsistence is charged with the
duties of inspector of the subsistence department."
By order,
L. THOMAS,
Assistant adjutant general.
ORDERS NO. 6.-EASTERN DIVISION.
Head-quarters, eastern division,
Troy, N. Y. Sept. 8, 1841.

Dep. quartermasters general with the rank of lieut. col. Henry Whiting Pilatka, in charge of the operations of the department in Florida.

Thomas F. Hunt, absent from duty on account of

bad health.

3 Thomas Swords, Fort Leavenworth.

4 George H. Crosman, member of board for inves-
tigating Florida claims.

5 S. B. Dusenbery, Baltimore.
6 David H. Vinton, Detroit.

7 E. B. Alexander, Fort Smith.

8 Francis Searle, on leave, disabled by wounds. 9 Osborne Cross, New Orleans.

10 S. P. Heintzleman, member of board for investigating Florida claims.

11 James R. Irwin, Cincinnati, temporarily.
12 M. M. Clark, Savannah.

13 E. S. Sibley, Cedar Key, Florida.
14 E. B. Babbitt, Trader's Hill, Geo.
15 John P. Davis, Fort Gibson.
16 R. E. Clary, Plattsburgh, N. Y.
17 Charles O. Collins, Houlton.
18 A. R. Hetzel, Washington.
19 R. S. Dix, Boston.
20 E. A. Ogden, Tampa Bay.
21 James M. Hill, Charleston.

Agreeably to general orders No. 51, the undersign-22 Dixon S. Miles, Pilatka. ed, brigadier general, assumes command of the east-23 W. Scott Ketchum, Port Leon. ern division of the army. 24 James H. Stokes, Buffalo, N. Y. 25 Abram C. Myers, Tampa Bay. 26 S. M. Plummer, on leave-bad health. 28 Wm. Wall, Fort Fanning. [Army & Navy Ch. 27 W. M. D. McKissack, Fort King.

The head-quarters, until further orders, will be at
Troy, N. Y. where all reports, returns and communi-
cations will be addressed to-the assistant adjutant
general of the eastern division.

The staff of the general will be as follows:
Captain R. Anderson, assistant adjutant general;
captain Edmund Schriver, assistant adjutant general
ex-officio assistant inspector general; and first lieut.
J. A. Thomas, 3d artillery, aid-de-camp.
JOHN E. WOOL.

By command of the general:

ED. SCHRIVER, A. A. general.
Brigadier General Wool left his head-quarters at
Troy, N. Y. on the 12th inst. on a visit to the U. S.
military posts in Maine.

Fort Kent is the name given by Brig. Gen. Eustis
to the fortification on Fish river, Maine.
That on
the Aroostook is already known by the name of Fort
Fairfield.

2d artillery.-180 men, under the command of Col.
Fanning, have arrived at Fort Monroe. The follow-
ing officers are attached to the post: lieuts. R. A.
Luther, J. F. Roland, J. Sedgwick, W. A. Nichols,
A. A. Gibson, W. Hays and asst. surg. E. Worrell.
3d artillery.-Major S. Churchill has been appoint-
ed inspector general, with the rank of colonel.
4th artillery. The appointment of major Chuchill
makes room for the promotion of brevet major John
Erving to the majority of the 3rd artillery; and to 1st
lieut. J. B. Scott as captain and 2d lieut. E. Bradford

1. Joseph R. Jarvis, 29. Joseph Myers,
2. Thomas W. Freelon, 30. Wm. C. Wetmore,
3. Sam. W. Le Compte, 31. Thomas R. Gedney,
4. Charles T. Platt, 32. John Bubier,
5. Wm. M. Armstrong,
6. Wm. F. Shields,
7. G. P. Pendergrast,
8. Wm. C. Nicholson,
9. James B. Cooper,
10. E. W. Carpender,
11. John L. Saunders,
12. Joseph B. Hull,
13. John Stone Paine,
14. Joseph Moorehead,
15. Thomas Petigru,
16. John S. Chauncey,
17. Irvine Shubrick,
18. John Kelly,

33. Victor M. Randolph,
34. Jacob Crowninshield,
35. Frederick Engle,
36. Alexander J. Dallas,
37. John Rudd,
38. Robert Ritchie,
39. Wm. W. McKean,
40. Franklin Buchanan,
41. Samuel Mercer,

Of which 66 are barques, brigs, and schooners,
and all the rest ships-many of them of 800 or 900
DEATH OF LIEUT. WM. PAGE JONES. This very
tons. This single district, then, has 359 vessels—or,
an aggregate of 125,650 tons-navigated by not less promising young officer, son of adjutant general R. 19. Edmund Byrne,
than 9,000 seamen, engaged in a single branch of en-vorite of those who knew him, having been attached 21. Wm. H. Gardner,
JONES, of the city of Washington, and a universal fa- 20. Edward S. Johnson,
terprise.

to the flying artillery company now stationed at 22. David G. Farragut,
Fort McHenry, was riding rapidly towards the fort 23. Stephen B. Wilson,
SUGAR TRADE IN THE UNITED STATES. on the 11th inst. in company with lieut. Randolph 24. Edward C. Rutledge,
The Richmond Compiler, in reference to this subject Ridgely, when both were thrown from their horses 25. William S. Harris,
says:-In 1830 the amount of sugar shipped from N. by coming in contact with a cow that suddenly cross- 26. Thomas A. Dornin,
Orleans was trifling. In 1836 the sugar exported ed their road. The latter was not seriously injured, 27. R. B. Cunningham,
amounted to 6,461,500 lbs.; in 1840 it had increased to but the former received so severe a contusion of the 28. James Glynn,
47,005,500 lbs. besides the amount sent to the inte- brain that in spite of the best medical assistance, he
rior from the Mississippi valley, which must be large. expired about four o'clock next morning. Every re-
This is more than one-fifth of the sugar, made from spect was paid to the remains and memory of the de-
cane, consumed in the United States, as there was ceased. Gen. Jones, we learn was not with his fa-
about 190,000,000 lbs. imported in 1839. If the mily on the melancholy occasion, having resorted to
home production of sugar increase the next five the Virginia Springs for a few weeks for the im-
years as it has done the last five, we shall make all provement of his health. Sincerely do we sympa-
our own sugar. This will be an important consum-thize with them in their bereavement.

42. Charles Lowndes, 43. L. M. Goldsborough, 44. George N. Hollins, 45. D. N. Ingraham, 46. John Martson, jr. 47. Henry Bruce, 48. Wm. D. Newman, 49. Henry A. Adams, 50. Alex. B. Pinkham, 51. James D. Knight, 52. Joseph Mattison, 53. William S. Walker,54. Alex. S. Mackenzie, 55. George F. Pearson,

Passed Midshipmen to be Lieutenants. John J. Almy, March 18, 1841. Edward C. Bowers, April 26, 1841. Nathaniel G. Bay, May 1, 1841. From September 8, 1841. 1. Otway H. Berryman, 4. George J. Wyche, 2. Thomas A. Budd, 5. Edmund Jenkins, 3. Andrew F. V. Gray, 6. T. A. M. Craven,

Commander W. K. Latimer-licutenants F. B. EL7. George W. Walker, paymaster, head quarters.lison, S. W. Godon and B. M. Dove-surgeon L. B. 8. Ward Marston, Charlestown, Mass. Hunter and purser II. Bridge. [Army & Navy Chron. 9. Aug. A. Nicholson, quartermaster, head quarters. 10. Benjamin Macomber, New York rendezvous. 11. A. N. Brevoort, Gosport, Va.

The New York Star of the 9th inst. states that or- Monroe ders have been received at the navy yard at Brooklyn Perry to fit out, with despatch, the Independence razce, and Pope the sloop of war Falmouth.

The U. S. brig Dolphin, which has been lying at St. Clair anchor for a few days past off the Battery, sailed on Union Tuesday with sealed orders from Washington. Her Washington destination we understand to be Matanzas. We an-Williamson

Captain James Armstrong has been detached from the command of the U. S. sloop of war Cyane, now Clark Mathew R. Kintzing, of Pennsylvania, to be a se- lying off the naval hospital, Norfolk, and ready for Champaign cond lieutenant, from September 8, 1841. sea. It is rumored that commander C. K. Stribling Coles will be appointed to the command. [Patriot. Crawford The frigate Macedonian, and sloop of war Warren, Edgar got under weigh yesterday morning, and with a light wind from the north, proceeded down the harbor, bound to Norfolk to refit, and from thence to the West 1. R. D. Wainwright, superintending recruiting ser- Indies. But the wind hauling to the eastward, pre-Hamilton vice, office in Washington, D. C.

A Naval General Court Martial was assembled in Jefferson
May last, on board the U. S. ship Pennsylvania, at Lawrence
Norfolk, Virginia, and continued in session until Marion
about the 6th of August.

The court was composed of commodore W. Bran- Richland
ford Shubrick, president. Captains Charles W. Shelby
Skinner, Beverley Kennon, Philip F. Voorhees, J. Vermillion
Paul Zantzinger, Thomas T. Webb-commanders Wabash
Bladen Dulany and Isaac Mayo, members-Henry Wayne
S. Allmand, esq. judge advocate.

The following officers were tried, but their senten-
ces have not yet been promulgated. They were all
recently attached to the U. S. ship Cyane.