such important rights as those of speech and the it may be, to ten, fifteen or twenty millions? Who But besides let it be considered that, by comir » press, and petition, or be used to sustain such a usur- can calculate the strength of the inducement that into the union, the north made slavery in a sense i pation as that of slavery? Does not natural justice might be holden out to them? Freedom! What al- own-that is to the extent of the express stipulatios revolt at it? Does not humanity, in her breathless lies would this word raise up, and bring to the aid of to which I have referred. And it has since become struggle for victory over oppression, after a contest an invader! And where then would be the boast, we emphatically its own, to the extent of slavery in this of ages, cry out against it? And yet this very impli- want none of your help-we can take care of our- District, and a slave-trade here as horrible and discation is now claimed to "lie at the basis of our fede-selves! graceful as is to be found in Christendom. Has not ral compact!" the north, as well as the whole country, thus assumed a high responsibility to liberty and humanity? And may not the people of the north, and of every part of the United States, seek to discharge that responsi bility by any and all the means which the full extent of power recognised in the constitution shall warrant? An implied pledge that the rights of speech, and the press, and petition, shall be sacrificed in favor of slavery? What, sir, would have been the sensation in the convention of '87 if such a pledge had been presented for its action, in the form of an article of the constitution? What expressions of amazement and indignation would have lowered in the countenances of Washington and Madison and Franklin upon its annunciation; and how would its adoption have shaken the country with a very earthquake of indignant feeling! And yet now! "the compromise of the constitution" and "the guaranty of the constitution" and "the implied faith of the constitution" in favor of slavery are as familiar with southern gentlemen, in their discussions of this subject, as household words. Sir, it is time this delusion were dispelled, and the constitution, in its true relation to this great question of slavery, properly understood. Though, Mr. Speaker, the ploughman's common sense argument seems to me quite sufficient to settle this question, yet there are other reasons, not, of course, so readily occurring to him, which greatly strengthen the conclusion to which he arrives, namely, that the implication, instead of being against the free exercise of the rights of speech and the press, and petition, was clearly in its favor. This implication necessary grows out of the union itself—that very union from which the contrary implication is attempted to be drawn. The union gave to the north a new and deep interest in the question of slavery. Without the union, the people of the north would have felt the strong impulse of motives to which no heart can be insensible, urging the consideration of a subject so deeply interesting to the human race. But, when the union was formed, they came to sustain to slavery a new relation, involving interests and rights having important bearings on the present question. Think not, Mr. Speaker, that this is the mere creation of an excited fancy, introduced here to help out an argument for abolition. It is as impossible to contemplate the existence of a rapidly increasing slave population in our country without such forebodings as it would be to be unmindful of a magazine in presence of an enemy, with bomb-shells charged for its explosion. Whoever has read the debates in the Virginia convention, in 1788, upon the United States constitution, will remember the glowing picture of this danger drawn by Patrick Henry, and the argument he founded on it, that the obligation imposed on the general government to "provide for the common defence" carried with it a right not only to say "that every black man must fight," but a right actually to abolish slavery within the states. It is not to my present purpose to discuss that question; but it is to ask whether there is not enough in the basis on which he founded his argument to justify the people of the north in the utmost exercise of their rights of speech and the press, and petition and legislation against slavery. If there are any still disposed to regard with indifference the argument I have drawn from this source, let me commend to their special attention the extract which I will now read from a speech of Mr. MADISON, in the first congress, in 1789. Speaking of the abolition of the slave trade, he says: In asking as is so often done, "What has the north to do with slavery?" it seems to be supposed that, because the north have no power to legislate slavery out of the slave states, therefore they have no right to attempt to reason it out, without reflecting that, while legislation by the congress of the United States is limited by the grant of power in the constitution, there is, and from the nature of the case can be, no such limitation to the exercise of moral power. Its legislation, so to speak, is not the creature of constitutional grant. It has a higher origin; it rests on a deeper foundation. Its jurisdiction is the world. It seeks no aid from civil power. It acts on mind, and with a mightier than the civil arm-with an energy which no such arm can resist. Wherever mind can come in contact with mind, through the agencies of speech and the press, there, restrained by nothing but truth and justice, it puts forth its energies, and achieves its victories. While the constitution gave to "the people of the United States" no authority to repeal the slave laws "I should venture to say it is as much for the of the states and banish slavery from their borders, interests of Georgia and South Carolina as of any it left truth-omnipotent truth-truth unfetteredstate in the union. Every addition they receive to free as the spirit of man-to take the wings of the their number of slaves tends to weaken them, and ren-morning, and fly to the uttermost parts of the land. ders them less capable of self-defence. In case of Instead of attempting the impossibility of binding it, hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means the constitution guarantied to it a tongue and a press, of inriting attack, instead of repelling invasion. It is and left it to go forth to its mighty conflict with error. a necessary duty of the general government to pro- It seems to me that those who deny this freedom tect every part of the empire against danger, as well to truth, and claim that it is bound by constitutional internal as external. Every thing, therefore, which fetters, do not reflect on the strange, anomalous contends to increase this danger, though it may be a local dition in which they thus place the free states of this affair, yet, if it involves national expense or safety, it union. To most of the civilized world we may freely becomes of concern to every part of the union, and is utter the voice of truth on the subject of slavery, (for a proper subject for the consideration of those charged by what lines of latitude, or mountains, or oceans, with the general administration of the government." can that voice be confined!) while to our southern Thus you see, sir, that the very father of the con- brethren we may not speak, because-they are our stitution-the man so eminently distinguished for his brethren! Were the canadas slave states, we might intelligence, his sound judgment, and his sober, prac- bring to bear on them-as Great Britain has, through tical views-perceived and yielded to the force of her West India emancipation, upon the southern the argument drawn from the weakness and danger states of this union-an anti-slavery influence which of slavery. they would find it difficult to resist. Nothing but a And, Mr. Speaker, how greatly is this argument wall reaching to Heaven, and penetrating to the censtrengthened by the rapid increase of the slave popu- tre of the earth, could exclude that influence. And lation; and especially by the obstinate determination yet the union of these states has reared upon "Maevinced to resist all attempts to persuade to its abo-, son's and Dixon's line" that wall of separation! It lition, accompanied even by studied vindications of leaves, indeed, a gate through which the north may it as an institution to be sustained and cherished. pass, and must pass, when danger threatens; but Who will not feel impressed with a sense of this when we have poured out our blood to aid in protectdanger when he hears such declarations as the following and securing slavery, we must retire, without uting from a governor of one of the slave states of this tering, on pain of death, one word of admonition union: against a continuance of the institution. We must fight and pay to suppress its insurrections, but may not reason and remonstrate to put an end to its injustice, and relieve the country from its danger. And this is the union! In adopting the constitution, the north entered into a stipulation to deliver up fugitives from oppressiona stipulation whose execution is abhorrent to humanity, and from which the whole soul of a freeman instinctively revolts. Provisions also were conceded whereby the power of the whole union was pledged to protect the states from invasion, and to put down domestic violence. The relation of all these stipulations to slavery is obvious. The burden they imposed is obvious-a burden rendered severer by the unnatural character of stipulations to aid in sustaining slavery. Nature itself dictates that such stipulations should never, by any construction, be extended beyond the strict "letter of the bond;" and that, while a literal compliance is yielded, the largest liberty should be allowed to the burdened party to use all lawful means to remove the necessity of a compliThus, for example: If I were bound by specific obligation to deliver up to my neighbor his fugitive slaves, and to assist him in putting down their efforts to regain their natural rights, and to defend "Domestic slavery, therefore, instead of being a him from attacks which might be invited, and ren- political evil, is the corner-stone of our republican edifice. dered more hazardous to him by their presence in No patriot who justly estimates our privileges will his family, every body would say that this very obli- tolerate the idea of emancipation, at any period, howgation would give me a peculiar claim to use all rea-ever remote, or on any condition of pecuniary advansonable means to persuade him to emancipate them, and thus release me from the burdensome aud unnatural obligation. ance. The north is, moreover, bound to assist in providing "for the common defence," as well as specifically to defend each state from invasion, and, to put down domestic violence. And will it be asked what has the north to do with slavery, when it is considered what an element of national weakness exists in the two millions and three-quarters of slaves within the limits of the nation? The south now say-hands off; let us alone! But should they come to feel the combined pressure of foreign war and domestic insurrection-which may Heaven avert!-should not we at the north be bound by the constitution to pour out our blood and expend our treasure in grappling with slavery-it might be, in its strongest paroxysms of despair and desperation? And shall we not be permitted to ask our southern brethren to avert this danger, by converting these millions of natural enemies into grateful friends, and thus turning this element of weakness into an element of strength? Can any thing be more reasonable than this? I know the south affect to despise these stipulations of the constitution, and say, we ask none of your help -we can take care of ourselves. But who does not perceive the use which a foreign enemy might make of the slave population, now numbering a little less than three millions-a fearful number!-but rising, tages, however favorable. I would as soon open a Having spoken of the attempts of those whom he "It is my deliberate opinion that the laws of every community should punish this species of interference by death without the benefit of clergy, regarding the authors of it as enemies of the human race." Such was the declaration of Governor McDuffie in a message to the legislature of South Carolina in 1834; and it has since been followed by the notorious threat of hanging, made on the floor of the senate of the United States. Can any body fail to see, in the infatuation of all this, augmented danger in the institution of slavery? But, Mr. Speaker, aside from all considerations of national hazard, or of mere constitutional obligation of defence and protection, how strongly must the north feel impelled to take an interest in the matter of slavery by the simple relation of brotherhood resulting from the union. This can be better felt than described, but is nowhere better described than in the simple, touching declaration: "Whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it." Is it impossible to extinguish this feeling! I have sometimes heard it said that, in forming the union, the north took the south with the incumbrance of slavery, and must patiently bear its evils. But the south it may with equal propriety be said, took the north with the incumbrance-if such it may be called-of freedom. Each necessarily subjected itself to the influence of the other-an influence exerted by the official intercourse growing out of a common government, and the facilities of social and commercial intercourse resulting from the union. And, sir, the north has felt that influence, and still feels it! It has, as I shall soon show, felt it ever since the government went into operation, in the control which slavery has maintained over its whole action. Where the balance of influence will ultimately fall remains to be seen. If the free states are true to themselves and the great principles of freedom, standing firm in their defence, there can be no doubt that these principles will finally triumph. But, to secure that result, there must be a better understanding of those principles, and more firmness in maintaining them, than I have ever been permitted to witness here. There is, Mr. Speaker, something monstrous in the idea that this union was formed to perpetuate slavery. Yet such is to be the result if the claims of the south are to be sustained; for the union is, in effect, thereby thrown around slavery as a shield of defence against the power of truth, which might otherwise be brought to bear against it. Before the union, we might have spoken, and spoken with great effect. I had attempted to form a compact of union specifically union created. But, sir, while I thus reason from Without the union, we might now put forth our mo- providing for the perpetuity of slavery, they would the union and its fraternal relations, in favor of the ral power in unison with the influence of British have been guilty of the most consummate folly; and right of acting on southern sentiment in regard to emancipation. But the union has been formed, and yet we now hear of "the guaranties of the consti- slavery, I desire to declare most emphatically the -we must be silent! While the rest of the world is tution," and "the compromise of the constitution," deep sense I entertain of the peculiar obligation which moving on this great question of human rights, we in favor of slavery! Sir, the guaranties were all the this relation imposes upon the north to act in this must be silent because we have formed the union! other way-guaranties drawn from the very nature matter in the spirit of fraternal kindness and good This whole land is to be shrouded in the darkness of of the union, from the spirit of the times in which it will. This obligation would exist without the union, Egypt, and hushed in the silence of death on the was formed, and from the great principles which for it is universal; much more does it exist with the great subject which is moving Christendom, because "lie at the basis" of all our cherished institutions. union. We do not address ourselves to strangers and we have formed the union! While looking at the objection to the exercise by foreigners, but to our fellow-citizens-our brethrencongress of its power of abolishing slavery here, to whom we are bound by a thousand endearing ties drawn from a consideration of the indirect influence and patriotic recollections. If we claim to address of such legislation upon the institution of slavery in them on the ground that we are their brethren, then the states, which seems to constitute the burden of are we solemnly bound to do it in the spirit of brothe objection, I have been reminded of the view ta- therly kindness and charity. In that spirit, if I know ken of the indirect influence of congressional anti- myself, I now speak; in that spirit I have ever sposlavery legislation by Mr. Madison, in the debates ken; and in that spirit I desire to assure the south I in the first congress, to which I wish to call the parti- shall always speak, here and elsewhere, on this subcular attention of the house. ject. Mr. Speaker, if this is to be the effect of the formation of this union-if it is thus to become an instrument of perpetuating slavery, then should the preamble to the covenant of silence, the compact of iniquity, have been made to read thus: "We the people of the United States, in order to form a more imperfect union, establish injustice, ensure domestic discord, provide for the common weakness, promote the general injury, and secure the curse of slavery to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this constitution for the United States of America." Such, sir, should have been the preamble to the constitution; for it would be perfectly descriptive of it if the union, of which it is the compact, is to become what the claims of the south would really make it-an instrument of perpetuating slavery. Congress, it will be recollected, was prohibited by On that occasion, Mr. Jackson of Georgia, said: It is urged, as an argument for suppressing freedom of speech and the press, and petition on the sub-now urged. ject of slavery, that the free exercise of these rights will have the effect of dissolving the union. Now, sir, I maintain precisely the reverse of this. I maintain that this very suppression, if it can be effected, will, of itself, dissolve the union. You might as well expect that the stopping up of Ætna's crater would not produce an earthquake, as that a dissolution of the union would not follow such a suppression.Every man who knows any thing of the nature of the human soul, and the power of its agonizing sympathies with human suffering and oppression, must admit this. Beware how you trifle with these sympathies! Call them weakness-brand them as fanaticism-denounce them as incendiary. Yet they exist, and will exist, and ought to exist; and your contempt and abuse of them will only increase their intensity. Sir, if you would preserve this union, cease to treat thus contemptuously the best feelings of the human heart. Cease to hurl back in the faces of the men and women of the north their humble petitions, praying, in the name of our common humanity, that you would repeal your laws which hold their brethren in bondage. Sir, you owe it to them-you owe it to the constitution-you owe it to the great principles of liberty which this nation drew in with the first breath of its existence, and which send the pulsations of health through every part of our republican system, not to abridge the liberty of speech, and of the press, and of petition in connexion with the subject of slavery. If you will assail these rights, let it be in connexion with some other subject, but never—never in connexion with this! Guard them with vestal vigilance. If slavery suffers from them, it must suffer. If it falls in its contest with "truth left free," then let it fall. Its fall will be the safety of the country and the perpetuity of the union. And what said Mr. Madison to this? "He admitted (says the report of that debate) that congress is restricted by the constitution from taking measures to abolish the slave trade. Yet there are (said he) a variety of ways by which it could countenance the abolition; and regulations might be made in relation to the introduction of them into the new states to be formed out of the western territory. He thought the subject well worthy of consideration." Implied pledge of the south to the north. I have thus endeavored to show that congress has power to abolish slavery and the slave trade in this District, and to meet the objections to the exercise of that power, drawn from a supposed implied pledge to Virginia and Maryland in accepting the cessions, and an implied pledge to the whole south, in the act of coming into the union. Thus far, however, I have occupied a defensive position, endeavoring, as well as I was able, to vindicate from the charge of violating pledges and disregarding compromises, those who have asked congress to abolish slavery and the slave trade here; and who have exercised what they believe to be their just freedom of speech and of the press, for the purpose of convincing the southern states of the duty of abolishing slavery within their limits. But, sir, I am not disposed to act merely on the defensive. I intend to show that, while the south charges the north with a violation of implied pledges in regard to slavery, she has herself violated her own clearly implied pledges on this very subject. Whoever will look into the history of the period when the constitution was formed, will find that it was then the universal expectation-an expectation excited by the slave states themselves, especially by Thus, though congress could no more then abolish Virginia and Maryland-that slavery would, at no the slave trade than it can now abolish slavery in the distant day, be abolished by their own legislation.— states, yet, in Mr. Madison's opinion, it might very Abolition, as I have already intimated, and will now properly so exercise its admitted powers of regulat- show, was emphatically the spirit of those times.ing the introduction of slaves into the new states, as Slavery was regarded as a doomed institution--as to "countenance" the abolition of the trade. Georgia destined to be "of few days," and declared to be and South Carolina were then as jealous of the ac- "full of evil." It was considered and treated as a tion of congress upon the subject of slavery, lest it dangerous intruder, that was to be allowed, from neshould countenance the abolition of the slave trade, cessity, to hold, temporarily, as a tenant at sufferand place "their property in jeopardy," as they now ance, but by no means to be permitted to enjoy a fee are lest the action of congress in abolishing slavery simple in this soil of freedom. This feeling pervaded and the slave trade in this District should counte- the country; it pervaded the convention that formed nance the like abolition in the states. But Mr. Ma- the constitution, and must necessarily have formed dison was not to be deterred by this from going, in an essential element in the compromises which led to the language of Dr. Franklin's petition, to the "very its adoption. verge of the power vested in congress" over the sub- Anti-slavery was the prevalent feeling of the revɔject of slavery. The modern notions of expediency lution. With its first breath this nation drew in an in regard to this matter seem not to have entered his abhorrence of slavery in every form. The colonial mind. Then, indeed, slavery did not stand so much policy of the mother country, by which it had been higher than any other interest in the country, as to introduced, was the subject of almost universal exeMr. Speaker, is slavery to be put in competition reverse all the ordinary principles of legislation for cration. It was then held to be "self evident" that with the freedom of speech, and of the press, and of the purpose of its security and protection. On the all men were "created equal, and endowed by their the right of petition? Which shall be surrendered, the contrary, it was considered right to exercise the creator with the inalienable rights of life, liberty and slavery of the black man, or the noblest freedom of power of congress over the subject of slavery in the the pursuit of happiness." This great truth-not sla the white man? If both cannot live together, which territories, "with a view" to "countenancing" what very-was regarded as "the corner stone of our reshall die? Who can doubt-who can hesitate on such congress could not then directly accomplish-the publican edifice." Nor was it held to be exclusivea question? And yet, sir, we are told that this con- abolition of the slave trade. If Mr. Madison were ly applicable to the Anglo-Saxon race; but the detest between freedom and slavery was setled fifty now in this hall, and should advance such a doctrine scendants of Africa were to enjoy its benefits and years ago in favor of slavery-not by the constitution in regard to the abolition of slavery and the slave blessings. Accordingly we find the work of African that would have been monstrous!--but by implica- trade here, he would be denounced as a disturber of emancipation early commenced under its influence. tions growing out of "the compromise that lies at the the peace, a "desperate fanatic," and an enemy of Vermont took the lead by declaring in her constitubasis of the federal compact!" Sir, if this implica- the union. What "a change has come o'er the spirit tion in 1777 that there should be no slavery within tion lies at the basis of the compact of our union, of" this nation since the congress of eighty-nine! her limits. Massachusetts and Pennsylvania followthen was the union placed on a mine, to be shattered While considering the subject of congressional ac- ed in 1780, and New Hampshire, Connecticut and into a thousand fraginents by its inevitable explosion. tion in cases in which it may indirectly exert an un- Rhode Island in 1784. The motives and spirit of And, sir, what I say of the effects of the abridg- favorable influence upon slavery, the abolition, by these great movements are well set forth in the prement of the freedom of speech and of the press, and congress, of slavery in the northwestern territory, to amble to the abolition act of Pennsylvania; a part of of the right of petition, which is insisted on as a part which I have already adverted, cannot escape atten- which I beg permission to read. of the "compromise," I must say of slavery itself. tion. The ordinance of 1787 decreeing that aboli- Having recounted the dangers and deliverances of Its permanency is utterly incompatible with the per- tion, was expressly ratified by the first congress un- the revolution, and expressed "a grateful sense of manency of this union. Who can expect that a free der the present constitution. But who can read that the manifold blessings undeservedly received from people can be held in fraternal embrace forever with ordinance, and especially the preamble to the "six the hand of that Being from whom cometh every a community where slavery is cherished and proclaim- articles" embodied in it-to which I shall hereafter good and perfect gift," the preamble says: ed as "the corner stone of republican institutions?" more particularly refer-without perceiving the im-1 "Impressed with these ideas, we conceive that it The thing is impossible. "The lily and the bramble mense anti-slavery influence it was calculated to ex- is our duty, and we rejoice that it is in our power, to may grow in social proximity, but liberty and slave- ert? But the truth was, the country was not then extend a portion of that freedom to others which has We esteem it a ry delight in separation." Such was the sentiment afraid of that influence; for it was, as I shall present- been extended to us. of Pinkney, uttered in the Maryland house of dele- ly show, in full accordance with the strong anti-sla- peculiar blessing that we are this day enabled to add gates fifty years ago. And, sir, what he thus utter- very feeling of those times. one more step to universal civilization by removing ed as a general truth will, as sure as man is man, be- In attempting to maintain the right of the north to as much as possible the sorrows of those who have come history, if the house persist in maintaining sla- exert, by all constitutional means, and to the full ex- lived in undeserved bondage. Weaned by a long very against the feelings of the north, and against the tent of constitutional authority, an anti-slavery influ- course of experience from those narrow prejudices enlightened judgment and enlarged humanity of the ence on the south, I have drawn an argument from we had imbibed, we find our hearts enlarged with civilized world. If the framers of the constitution the union itself, and the fraternal relation which that kindness and benevolence toward men of all condi Here, Mr. Speaker, is exhibited the spirit of those times. Let this precious preamble be borne in mind as we proceed. the purpose with great care; and I would never cease Drawing nearer to the time when the constitution In an address by hon. James Campbell, before the Pennsylvania society of Cincinnati, on the 4th of July, 1787, he said: "Our separation from Great Britain has extended the empire of humanity. The time is not for distant when our sister states, in imitation of our example, shall turn their vassels into freemen." In the debates in the North Carolina convention, Mr. Iredell, afterwards a judge of the supreme court of the United States, said: "When the entire abolition of slavery takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every generous mind, and every friend of human nature. Mr. Galloway, said: "I wish to see this abominable trade put an end to. I apprehend the clause (touching the slave trade) means to bring forward manumission." tions and nations; and we conceive ourselves, at this particular period, extraordinarily called upon, by the blessings we have received, to manifest the sincerity of our professions, and to give substantial proof of our gratitude." "And whereas the condition of those persons who have been heretofore denominated negro and mulatto slaves has been attended with circumstances which not only deprived them of the The convention that formed the constitutioncommon blessings they were, by nature, entitled to, whose "compromises" have imposed perpetual silence but has cast them into the deepest afflictions by an on the subject of slavery! was then in session in unnatural separation and sale of husband and wife Philadelphia, and attended on the delivery of this adfrom each other, and their children—an injury, the dress, with General Washington at their head. greatness of which can only be conceived by supposThe convention agreed to the constitution, and ing that we were in the same unhappy case. In jusMr. Jefferson begins by speaking of the manner in submitted it to the people of the states on the 17th of tice, therefore, to persons so unhappily circumstanc- which he thinks the pamphlet-which, it seems, had September, 1787. For further evidence of the pubed, and who, having no prospects before them where-been extensively circulated in America-will have lic sentiment at that time, let me now refer to the in they may rest their sorrows and their hopes, have been received. "Southward of the Chesapeake,' "debates in some of the state conventions to which it no reasonable inducement to render the service to he thinks, "it will find but few readers concurring was submitted for ratification. society which they otherwise might; and, also, in with it in sentiment." From the mouth to the head grateful commemoration of our own happy deliver- of the Chesapeake it would be received more favoraance from that state of unconditional submission to bly-"the bulk of the people approving it in theory" which we were doomed by the tyranny of Britain;-slaveholding keeping "the consciences of many Be it enacted, that no child hereafter born shall be a uneasy;" while northward of the Chesapeake the opslave," &c. ponents of its doctrines would be about as rare as robbers and murders." He then proceeds to say: "In Maryland I do not find such a disposition to begin the redress of this enormity as in Virginia. In accordance with the spirit which dictated the This is the next state to which we may turn our Luther Martin, of Maryland, a member of the conemancipations of Pennsylvania and other states, was eyes for the interesting spectacle of justice in con- vention that formed the constitution of the United the ordinance of 1787, to which I have referred.-flict with avarice and oppression; a conflict, wherein States, said: "We ought to authorise the general goLet me call your attention to the preamble to the six the sacred side is gaining daily recruits from the in-vernment to make such regulations as shall be thought articles in that ordinance, the last of which abolished flux into office of young men grown and growing up. most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slaverg slavery in the northwestern territory. It declares, These have sucked in the principles of liberty as it and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in among other things, that, "for extending the funda- were with their mother's milk, and it is to them I the state." mental principles of civil and religious liberty, which look with anxiety to turn the fate of this question. Judge Wilson, of Pennsylvania, one of the conform the basis whereon these republics, their laws Be not, therefore, discouraged. What you have writ-vention that framed the constitution, said in the Pennand constitutions are erected, to fix and establish ten will do a great deal of good; and, could you still sylvania convention that ratified it: "I consider this these principles as the basis of all laws, constitutions trouble yourself with our welfare, no man is more able clause (that relating to the slave trade) as laying the and governments, which forever hereafter shall be to give aid to the laboring side. [Mr. Jefferson was foundation for banishing slavery out of this country. formed in the said territory, it is hereby not afraid of foreign interference. He looks at the It will produce the same kind of gradual change ordained," &c. question of slavery as belonging to no country ex- which was produced in Pennsylvania. Such was the preamble to that act abolishing slave-clusively, but affecting the common humanity.] "The states which are to be formed will be under the conry. Then abolition was regarded as extending "the college of William and Mary, in Williamsburg, since trol of congress in this particular, and slaves will fundamental principles" which lay at the basis of our the remodelling of its plan, is the place where are never be introduced among them. It presents us republican institutions. Now, slavery is held to be collected together all the young men of Virginia with the pleasing prospect that the rights of man"the corner stone of our republican edifice." under preparation for public life. There are there kind will be acknowledged and established throughIn 1773, Patrick Henry, in a letter to Robert Plea-under the direction, most of them, of a Mr. Wythe, out the union.". sants, afterwards president of the Virginia abolition one of the most virtuous of characters, and whose In the Virginia convention of 1787, Mr. Mason, ausociety, said: sentiments on the subject of slavery are unequivocal.thor of the Virginia constitution, said: "Is it not amazing that, at a time when the rights I am satisfied that if you could resolve to address an "The augmentation of slaves weakens the states; and of humanity are defined and understood with pre-exhortation to those young men with all the elo- such a trade is diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to cision, in a country above all others fond of liberty, quence of which you are master, that its influence As much as I value the we find men professing a religion the most humane, on the future decision of this important question union of all the states, I would not admit the southmild, gentle and generous, adopting a principle as would be great, perhaps decisive." [What a re- ern states (South Carolina and Georgia) into the repugnant to humanity as it is inconsistent with the quest! A Virginian asking an abolitionist to address union, unless they agree to the discontinuance of Bible, and destructive to liberty? Every thinking, a letter on the subject of slavery to the young men of this disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakhonest man rejects it in speculation; how few in that state, preparing for public life! And they too, ness and not strength to the union." Mr. Johnson, practice, from conscientious motives! I be- members of a college! Now the subjeet must not be said: lieve a time will come when an opportunity will be of- agitated in colleges, even in New England, and Dr. fered to abolish this lamentable evil. Every thing we Price's pamphlets and letters to the young men of can do is to improve it, if it happen in our day; if Virginia would be seized in the post office and burat.] not, let us transmit to our descendants, together with "Thus you see," continued Mr. Jefferson, "that so our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot, and our ab- far from thinking you have cause to repent what horrence of slavery. * Believe me, I shall you have done, I wish you to do more, and wish it honor the Quakers for their noble efforts to abolish on the assurance of its effect. The information I slavery. It is a debt we owe to the purity of our have received from America of the reception of religion to show that it is at variance with that law your pamphlet in the different states agrees with the that warrants slavery. I exhort you to persevere in expectation I had formed. so worthy a resolution." * * * * THOS. JEFFERSON." Proceeding in the order of time, I come to the declarations of Whashington. In writing to Robert Morris on the 12th of April, 1786, General Washington said: In 1776, Dr. Hopkins, then at the head of the New England divines, in "an address to the owners of negro slaves in the American colonies," says: "The conviction of the unjustifiableness of this practice, (slavery), has been increasing and greatly "There is not a man living who wishes more sinspreading of late; and many who have had slaves cerely than I do to see a plan adopted for the abolition have found themselves so unable to justify their own of slavery; but there is only one proper and effectual conduct in holding them in bondage, as to be induc-mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is, ed to set them at liberty. Slavery is, in by legislative authority, and this, as far as my sufevery instance, wrong, unrighteous and oppressive-frage will go, shall never be wanting." a very great and crying sin-there being nothing of On the 10th of May, 1786, he thus wrote to Lathe kind equal to it on the face of the earth." fayette: Near the close of the revolutionary war Mr. Jefferson, in his notes on Virginia, said: * * "I think a change already perceptible, since the origin of the present revolution. The spirit of the master is abating, that of the slave is rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, and the way, I hope preparing, under the auspices of heaven, for a total emancipation." "It [abolition] certainly might and ought to be effected, and that, too, by legislative authority." In a letter to John Fenton Mercer, of September 9, 1786, he said: "It is among my first wishes to see some plan adopted by which slavery in this country may be abolished by law." To John Sinclair he wrote: mankind. * The new "The principle (of emancipation) has begun since the revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come round. Slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. If we were totally annihilated, it would do much good." Patrick Henry contended that, by the constitution, congress would have power to abolish slavery as indispensably necessary to the safety of the country, whose "general defence" was committed to its eare. In addition to this argument, he said: "Another thing will contribute to bring this event about-slavery is detested. We feel its fatal effects. We deplore it with the pity of humanity." In the Massachusetts convention of 1788, General Heath said that "slavery was confined to the states now existing. It could not be extended. By their ordinance congress had declared that the new states should be republican states, and have no slavery." Judge Dawes, said: "Although slavery is not smitwound, and will die of consumption." ten by an apoplexy, yet it has received a mortal conventions that adopted the constitution, in regard Such are some of the expressions of opinion in the to slavery, and its probable speedy abolition. The expressions in regard to the latter may all be summed up in the brief and significant language of Judge Dawes-slavery "has received a MORTAL WOUND, AND WILL DIE OF CONSUMPTION." This, indeed, was public opinion of that day; and yet we are now told the atmosphere of that public opinion, contained an that the constitution, which drew its first breath in In 1780, John Jay, in a letter from Spain, wrote: "There are in Pennsylvania laws for the gradual "The state of New York is rarely out of my mind abolition of slavery which neither Maryland nor Vir-implied guaranty, or had connected with it such comor heart; and I am often disposed to write much re-ginia have at present, but which nothing is more cerspecting its affairs. But I have so little information tain than that they must have, and at a period NOT as to its present political objects and operations, that REMOTE." I am afraid to attempt it. An excellent law might These strong expressions of sentiment by General be made out of the Pennsylvania one for the gradual Washington, it should be observed, were uttered only abolition of slavery. Till America comes into this measure, her prayers to heaven will be impious. This is a strong expression, but it is just. Were I in your legislature I would present a bill, drawn for a year before the session of the convention, himself slavery, even at the expense of a sacrifice of the promises as implied a guaranty, for the security of rights of speech, and the press, and petition! Every body understood that slavery was mortally wounded, and destined to speedy death; and yet, by a strange necromancy of constitutional implication, there was at that very time thrown around it the shield of the union for protection against its great enemies-freedom of speech and freedom of the press! Let me now refer to a few expressions of opinion going to show the state of public sentiment soon after the adoption of the constitution. In the Maryland house of delegates in 1789, Wm. Pinkney, said: "It having pleased the Creator of the world to Mr. Smith, of South Carolina, said: "That, on en- norable Zephania Swift, chief justice of the same tering into this government, they (South Carolina and state; honorable Cæsar A. Rodney, attorney general Georgia) apprehended that the other states of the United States; honorable James A. Bayard, would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be United States senator from Delaware; Governor led to vote for a general emancipation." Bloomfield, of New Jersey; hon. William Rawle, In a debate at the previous session of congress, the late venerable head of the Philadelphia bar; "But sir, is it possible that this body should not feel for the reputation of Maryland? Is national ho- (May 13, 1789), on a proposition to impose a duty of Messrs. Foster and Tillinghast, of Rhode Island; nor unworthy of consideration? Is the censure of an ten dollars each on imported slaves, Mr. Parker, of Messrs. Ridgley, Buchanan and Wilkinson, of Maryenlightened universe insufficient to alarm us? The Virginia, the mover of the proposition, said: "He land; and Messrs. Pleasants, McLean and Anthony, character of my country among the nations of the hoped congress would do all that lay in their power of Virginia. world is as dear to me as that country itself." [No- to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, For the purpose of showing the principles and obble sentiment! But in what Maryland bosom does and, if possible, to wipe off the stigma under which jects of these societies, let me refer briefly to the conit now beat, in reference to slavery and the slave America labored. The inconsistency in our princi- stitution of two of them, and the memorials to contrade here, for which this nation is responsible to "an ples, with which we are justly charged, should be gress of two others. The following is the preamble enlightened universe?" "What a motley appearance done away, that we may show by our actions the pure to the constitution of the Pennsylvania society: (continues Mr. P.) must Maryland at this moment beneficence of the doctrine we hold out to the world make in the eyes of those who view her with deli- in our Declaration of Independence." beration. Is she not at once the fair temple of free- Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, said: It was the fashion dom and the abominable nursery of slaves?-the of the day to favor the liberty of the slaves." school for patriots and the foster-mother of petty Mr. Madison said: "The dictates of humanity, the despots? the asserter of human rights and the pa- principles of the people, the national safety and haptron of wanton oppression? Here have emigrants piness, and prudent policy require it of us. from a land of tyranny found an asylum from perse-I conceive the constitution, in this particular, was cution; and here also have those who came as right- formed in order that the government, whilst it was fully free as the winds of heaven found an eternal restrained from laying a total prohibition, might be grave for the liberties of themselves and their poste- able to give some testimony of the sense of America with It is to be hoped rity. Sir, by the eternal principles of regard to the African trade. natural justice, no master in the state has a right to that, by expressing a national disapprobation of this hold his slave in bondage a single hour. *trade we may destroy it, and save ourselves from To me, sir, nothing for which I have not the evidence reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever atof my senses is more clear than that it (slavery) will tendant on a country filled with slaves. one day destroy that reverence for liberty which is there is any one point in which it is clearly the polithe vital principle of a republic." [Now slavery has cy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can, to become essential to the preservation of or liber- vary the practice obtaining under some of the state ties-the "corner stone of our republican edifice."] governments, it is this." Sir, the thing is impolitic; never will your coun- Such was the strong anti-slavery feeling manifest-selves under the title of the Pennsylvania society for promoting the abolition of slavery and the relief try be productive; never will its agriculture, its ed in the first congress. And it is worthy of remark of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage."' commerce, or its manufactures flourish so long as that the question of slavery was treated as a national The following is part of the preamble to the conthey depend on reluctant bondmen for their pro-question-arguments for national interference, to stitution of the New Jersey society: the full extent of constitutional power, and with view to "varying the practice under some of the state governments," being drawn from considerations of national honor, national strength and national safety. gress." * * * What must have been the state of public sentiment which could in the legislature of a slave state bear such an indignant, burning rebuke, of slavery as this? Did Pinkney or the body whom he addressed, believe that there was in or about the constitution of the United States any "implied" prohibition of freedom of SPEECH on the subject of slavery? a * # * * If make of one flesh all the children of men, it becomes them to consult and promote each other's happiness, as members of the same family, however diversified they may be by color, situation, religion, or different states of society. It is more especially the duty of those persons who profess to maintain for themselves the rights of human nature, and who acknowledge the obligations of Christianity, to use such means as are in their power to extend the blessings of freedom to every part of the human race and in a more particuentitled to freedom by the laws and constitutions of any of the United States, and who, notwithstanding, are detained in bondage by fraud or violence. From a full conviction of the truth and obligations of these principles-from a desire to diffuse them wherever the miseries and vices of slavery exist, and in humble confidence of the favor and support of the Father of mankind, the subscribers have associated them lar manner to such of their fellow creatures as are "It is our boast that we live under a government wherein life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, are recognised as the universal rights of man. that inconsistent, illiberal and interested policy which We abhor withholds those rights from an unfortunate and de Pursuing the order of time, let me give two ad- declared: Let me now turn, for further evidence of public "Domestic slavery is repugnant to the principles sentiment, to the debates in the first congress. On of Christianity. It prostrates every benevolent and the 12th of February, 1790, a memorial was presented, signed by Benjamin Franklin, president of the just principle of action in the human heart. It is rePennsylvania abolition society, setting forth in strong bellion against the authority of a common Father. It language the injustice of slavery, its inconsistency is a practical denial of the extent and efficacy of the with our institutions, and the duty of all to labor to effect its abolition; and asking congress to take into consideration the traffic in slaves, and "step to the very verge of the power vested" in it for "discouraging every species of traffic in the persons of our fellow men." death of a common Saviour. It is a usurpation of In 1796, Mr. Tucker, of Virginia, judge of the supreme court of that state, and professor of law in the college of William and Mary, in a letter to the The reception of this petition was neither object- general assembly of that state, urging the abolition ed to, nor "considered" as objected to; but it was of slavery, said: "Should we not, at the time of the respectfully received and considered. In the debate revolution, have broken their fetters? Is it not our that arose upon it, Mr. Parker, of Virginia, said: "I duty to embrace the first moment of constitutional health cannot help expressing the pleasure I feel in finding and vigor to effectuate so desirable an object, and to so considerable a part of the community attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future remove from us a stigma with which our enemies will prosperity and happiness of THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. never fail to upbraid us, nor our consciences to re I think it my duty as A CITIZEN OF THE UNION to espouse their cause." proach us?" I come now, Mr. Speaker, to another, and, in some respects, much stronger evidence of the prevalence Mr. Page, of Virginia, (afterwards governor), said: of anti-slavery sentiments at the period to which I "He was in favor of the commitment. He hoped have referred. I do not allude to expressions of inthat the designs of the respectable memorialists would dividual opinion, but to associated opinion and associnot be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude ated effort in favor of the abolition of slavery. Yes, a fair discussion of the memorial. He placed him- sir, so strongly was the public mind moved in the self in the case of a slave." [This is the true posi- subject of "abolition" that abolition societies were tion; to make the slave's case our own; to "remem- actually formed in Rhode Island, Connecticut, New ber those in bonds as bound with them." When we do York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Marythis, we shall go where Franklin asked the first con- land and Virginia. The Pennsylvania society was gress to go, to "the very verge" of our power to abo- formed in 1780, and incorporated by act of the lelish, and where we cannot abolish, to "discourage" gislature in 1787-Benjamin Franklin, president; Dr. slavery. But to propose with the quotation.] "He Rush, secretary. The New York society was formplaced himself in the case of a slave, and said that, ed in 1785-John Jay, president, afterwards Alexanon hearing that congress had refused to listen to the der Hamilton. The Maryland society was formed decent suggestions of the respectable part of the com- in 1789. Among its officers were Judge Chase and munity," [now the petitioners are "despicable fanatics!" "he should infer that the general government, from which was expected great good would result to every class of citizens, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity." Luther Martin. In 1790 the Connecticut society was The Connecticut and Virginia societies sent memorials to congress. The following is an extract from the former: "From a sober conviction of the unrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld with grief our fellow men doomed to perpetual bondage in a country which boasts of her freedom. Your petitioners were led by motives, we conceive, of general philanthropy (now it is "fanaticism") to associate ourselves together for the protection and assistance of this unfortunate part of our fellow men." The memorial of the Virginia society is headed, "The memorial of the Virginia society for promoting the abolition of slavery." The following is an extract: Your memorialists fully believing that slavery is not only an odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one of the most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant to the precepts of the gospel," &c. It would seem to be an appropriate closing of this mass of testimony to read, as I will now beg permission to do, an extract from a sermon of President Edwards, the younger, preached before the Connecticut Abolition society, September 15, 1791. "Thirty years ago (said he) scarcely a man in this country thought either the slave-trade or the slavery of negroes to be wrong; but now, how many and able advocates, in private life, in our legislatures, and in congress, have appeared, and openly and irrefragably pleaded the rights of humanity, in this as well as other instances? And if we judge of the future by the past, within fifty years from this time (the fifty years are about expiring!) it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave as to be guilty of common robbery or theft." Upon the testimony thus presented, I cannot, Mr. Speaker, find time for an extended commentary. It seems to me imposNor do I deem it necessary. sible that it should have failed to convince all who have heard it, that, so far from there having been an implied pledge on the part of the free states that the subject of slavery should not be agitated, there arose necessarily, from the common sentiment of that period in regard to slavery, from the perfect freedom with which it was every where assailed, and from the general expectation of its speedy abolition, an implied pledge on the part of the slave states that no obstacles should be interposed to the freest action of "Among the distinguished individuals who were public sentiment in regard to it; but that they would, efficient officers of these abolition societies, and dele- in fact, continue to co-operate, as they were then cogates from their respective state societies at the an-operating, with the philanthropists of the north, in Mr. Burke, of South Carolina, said: "He saw the nual meeting of the American convention for pro-producing a public sentiment that should, "at no disdisposition of the house, and he feared it would be re-moting the abolition of slavery, were honorable Uriah tant day," put an end to the evil. [TO BE CONCLUDED IN OUR NEXT.] ferred to a committee, maugre all their opposition." Tracy, United States senator from Connecticut; ho Mr. Scott, of Pennsylvania, said: "I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said to acquire property in another. I do not know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United States, and those people were to come before me, and claim their emancipation; but I am sure I would go as far as I could." CHRONICLE. THE AMISTAD AFRICANS. The Emancipator states that the efforts to make up sufficient funds to reconvey those foreigners to their own country have failed. An application was made to the president of the United States for the co-operation of the general government. By the original decree of the circuit court (against which the claimants appealed) it was ordered that "these Af ricans be delivered to the executive for the purpose of being sent to their own country, under the act of congress of 1818 for the suppression of the slave trade.' To this application the following reply was received from the acting secretary of state: "Department of state, Washington, 6th October, 1841. SIR: I am instructed by the president to inform you that he knows of no provision of law to cover the case presented in your letter to the secretary of state, of the 23d ultimo, and further, that there is no slip of war at pre sent destined to the coast of Africa. vant, FLETCHER WEBSTER, acting secretary. Lewis Tuppan, esq. New York." that place, bound to Ohio, for sale. Half a dozen years | gator is one of the Indians recently arrived in the terri- COTTON. For particulars in the Liverpool market, see The Liverpool cotton market, that great barometer of 14th, 20, of which 12 by the fever; on the 16th, 20 deaths For the week ending the 16th, 151 deaths, of which 93 Information from Tampa to the 14th.-Colonel Worth Coacoochee and his entire band, Hospitaki and eighty-five had shipped 250 Indians to the west, amongst them, was of his band, and a considerable portion of Halleck's peo ple; and that arrangements are in rapid progress for extensive and energetic winter operations. FLOUR now sells in Baltimore at $6. The inspections At Charleston, South Carolina, $6. At Rio Janeiro, 2d Sept. stock of flour on hand 40,000 barrels; receipts during July 12,000 barrels-tostly from the United States; 1,500 from Europe. Richmond city mills brought 16600, fresh flour 15750; Baltimore 11750. The New York Commercial Advertiser estimates the stock of flour now in store in that city at 150,000 barrels against 50,000 barrels at this time last year. Twenty thousand bushels of wheat, two thousand eight hundred bushels of corn, and eight thousand two hundred barrels of flour were received in Buffalo on Friday the 224 inst. delivered from the Erie canal at Albany and Troy, was During the third week in October the quantity of flour 62,740 brls. and of wheat 47,608 bushels. ALEXANDER MCLEOD. A public dinner was given his arrival there. They are welcome to make as much by citizens of Montreal to this fortuitous great man, upon as they can of him. The Montreal Courier says: The noble manner in which Mr. McLeod's case was conducted by Mr. Spen cer, United States district attorney, has called forth a ge neral expression of approbation. and it is felt that if the sentiments expressed by that gentleman are common to hostilities arising between the two countries. The cor many of his countrymen, there can be little danger of respondent of the Herald, writing from Utica, notices the generous warmth manifested by the counsel, and infers from it "that the animosity which we believed to exist in the United States against England and Englishmen is not so acrimonious as we fancy." DEATHS. During the last week in New York 188, of which 35 were by consumption. In Philadelphia 101, of which 28 were under two years, and 16 died of conThe president regrets this state of things, as it de-sumption. In Baltimore 46, of which 16 were under two prives him of the pleasure which he would otherwise years-six were free colored, and two slaves. have in aiding the unfortunate Africans to return to their Among the deaths reported last week, is one at Farnative country. I have the honor to be your obd't sermington, Massachusetts. A young man named Henry (Signed) Coolidge, of that place, having shaved the face of his dead father previous to the interment of the corpse, soon after applied the same razor to his own face. Although BANK ITEMS. An assignment was made by the bank remarkable had been observed in the manner of his dishis father had died a natural death, and nothing at all of the United States of Pennsylvania, to secure the pay-ease, the face and head of the son began to swell almost ment of their post notes given to the Philadelphia banks. immediately after having finished the operation of shavThe National Gazette contains a list of the securities as-ing, and in a short time he was himself a corpse. signed to redeem the circulating notes, post notes, other than those secured by the assignment above referred to, tion, though rare, are not unprecedented, although the The Boston Atlas says: Such cases of extreme irritadebts due state banks, and the depositors. These explanation of such phenomena is by no means easy. amounted on the 1st of Aprii last, to $7,328,731; and of In the present case, the absorption of virus from the dead these the National Gazette estimates more than 5,000,000 body seems almost impossible, though there is no other dollars to remain unpaid, while the Philadelphia Gazette manner in which we can at all satisfactorily account for reduces the amount to 3,600,000. Be this as it may says the violent irritation which followed the use of the razor, the New York American, "a glance at the list, will abun-and its fatal effects. dantly satisfy every business man, that the securities will not pay 50 cents per dollar on the claims. The valuations made in the table of the editors of the National Gazette, are far above the amount that could be immediate ly realized from them, as many of the stocks are utterly unsaleable, except in very small lots to fulfil speculative contracts; and the bonds and mortgages, and bills receivable. if worth any thing at all, can only be made The correspondent of the St. Catherine's Journal, available at a future period, perhaps many years hence " writing while the trial was still going on, says: "Now, After giving an abstract from the list assigned, the same paper adds, "under the best circumstances, scarce-ditor's office Washington, aged. 41. as to the jury, a more intelligent, upright and honest set of men could not be selected within the limits of this ly $2,000 000 can be realized from these assets, and concontinent. They are, to a man, religious and members sequently the balance of 1,500,000 to 3,000,000 will still EDWARDS, the forger, it appears played off a curious of the temperance society; this I know. for they all occupy remain a charge on the property under the general as farce in London, aside from fleecing the old earl out of a room adjoining my own, at the Temperance House in signment-and to this must be added, a probable balance his $1,000. We have seen a gentleman who was a re- this city. And further, in relation to the attending the due the Philadelphia City banks, as the property assign-sident in London at the time, who gives the following de- trial, I have not seen as much confusion or disturbance, ed to cover them, is universally considered insufficient; tails of an occurrenence, which will give a little insight or any indications of the like nature, as would cause anand also any reclamations which may be made from into the "colonel's" private operations. His public ones uoyance to the most devout worshippers in any ChrisEurope, for balances of the bonds due there, which the are already conspicuous before the world. Edwards tian meeting that I ever attended, and it is so very diffe stocks pledged have not been sufficient to satisfy, and boarded last summer at Long's hotel, Bond street, Lon- rent from what I anticipated that I have no words to exwhich, if the stocks were sold at present prices, would don, about six weeks. He had a friend, col. Winfrey, press my admiration and feelings upon the subject; and be rising $5,000,000. We leave our readers to judge with him, and their joint bill amounted to £150. They I have no hesitation in declaring that I do not believe from these facts, what chance there is for the creditors of lived sumptuously every day, but when called upon for that a more fair and impartial investigation in a cause the bank-we say nothing for the stockholders, as we payment, their hesitation led to some inquiries of the of life and death, was ever held in any country." believe, that for a long time past, their cause has been American and Texian ambassadors. An expose took SPECIE. The London packet ship Quebec, from New allowed to be hopeless." The editor further expresses place which resulted in col. Edwards leaving for France, his persuasion that the money with which Mr. Jaudon and col. Winfrey for New York, in the ship Ontario last paid the interest due this month in London, was raised January. He was accompanied by a female companion, by the sale in the New York and Philadelphia markets, who passed as Mrs. W. Doubtless they are now preying. of the notes of the bank at least to the amount of $156,540. upon the unsuspecting under a disguise in some portion Meantime the United States have brought suit against of the country. the institution for the balance due to the government[Phil. N. Amer. say $350,000—and it is not unlikely that the government EXCHANGES. New York on London 9 a 10 premium; will be found to have preference of all assignments. The stock of this bank is now quoted at $3 to $4 in phia 2 a 3; Baltimore 2 a 25; Raleigh and Wilmington, on France 5f. 17 a 183; on Boston par to 3; Philadel New York, and Philadelphia, and the notes at 56 per 3, Savannah 23; Mobile 7; interior of Alabama 8 a 9; N. C 3 a 4; Charleston 1 a 1; interior of S. C. 2 a Letters from London state that Mr. Jaudon has paid New Orleans 2; St. Louis 9: Louisville 6; Cincinnati the interest on the debentures, held in England, and has 9; Nashville 10. gone on the continent for the same purpose. cent. discount. The New York Express of Monday, P. M. says: The brokers refuse to buy the bills of the bank of Orleans and of the Commercial bank of Buffalo this morning, except at exhorbitant rates; those banks having failed to redeein their issues at Albany. fused. Broken banks. The comptroller of the state gives notice that the bills of the following broken banks will be redeemed at the office of the bank department, at the times and at the rate mentioned below 1841, 1 Nov. bills of the United States bank of Buffalo, at 77 per cent. General Thomas Cadwalader, died at his residence Wood, late representative for the city of Natchez, has York, took out $272,000 in specie, the Garrick for Liverpool $55,500; and the Iowa for Havre $82,000. sterling and dollar bonds 45a46, Farmers Trust 40; the 5 h inst. in a state of depression and inactivity, and States, from 30 h June, 1810, to 30th June, 1841, was TOBACCO. Liverpool, 24 Oct. The sales of the month of September consisted of 141 hogsheads Virginia leaf, 113 strips do., 270 Kentucky leaf, 484 do. strips, 15 Maryland-total 1,053, being the largest month since March, when 1,833 hds, were sold. The Philadelphia Pennsylvanian says: We under- FLORIDA. A letter from Tampa, October 18, to the stand that several of the banks in Philadelphia refuse editor of the New York American says-"Alligator has to receive in payment the notes issued by the Towanda this moment got in. I have just returned from head bank, the Erie bank, and one of the Berks county quarters, and have once more favorable news. banks. Even the sinall notes of these banks are re-la-Mathla, the chief of the Micasoukies, and brother of NeethTiger-Tail, is within a few miles of this, and coming in. All the Micasoukies are coming. They have been visit ed with the sickness that has so ravaged the gulph coast. Wagons are to be sent out to bring in their sick. Tige Tail is lame, and has also to be brought in. This done, a deputation will then be sent to the Creeks on our borders, and there is no doubt that the example of the Miscasoukies will bring them in also; when all our northern frontiers will be left clear, and no enemy between you and me. 2,172 The whole force will then be directed against Sam The quality being better than usual prices will be mainJones." tained, as follows: James River leaf faded 21 a 3; ordinary [Sam Jones is supposed to have about 2,000 Semi-sound 4; middling 5; good 5 a 6; fine 6 a 6; James noles, of which 250 are warriors with which he occupies River strips, faded 3; ordinary sound 5 a 51⁄2; middling 5 stration is now making.] the everglades and against which a formidable demon- a 5; good 61⁄2 a 7; fine 8; Kentucky leat 3 a 6; strips of 702 hds. Maryland and 98 Ohio. The inspections of last week at Baltimore, consisted 1841, 3 Nov. bills of the Union bank of Buffalo, at 81 per cent. 1841, 8 Nov. bills of Merchants' Exchange bank of Buffalo, secured by public stocks, 81 per cent.; secured by stocks and real estate, 65 per cent. [New York paper Belfast, Ireland, in 1831 had not 62,000 inhabitants, according to recent census it now has 100,000, increase 63 per cent in 10 years CATTLE IN THE WEST. The St. Louis Republican states that 5,000 head of cattle, raised in Knox county, Illinois, bordering on Peoria, in the west, recently left Later. The U. S. steamer Gen. Taylor, arrived at Savannah on the 25 h from Florida. A passenger states that Tigertail and most of his band, about 100 Indians, have been induced by Alligator to come into Tampawhere they are safe under the care of Col. Worth. Alli 6 a 7. The imports of this year have been Increase 8,670 6,493 Maryland red is at 115 to 125; Pennsylvania red 126 to WHEAT. A slight advance has taken place in prices; 128. |