It induced members, instead of looking into and examining the particular powers of the proposed fiscal agent, and showing their necessity and propriety as the essential elements of the conclusion of constitutionality in the given case,-it induced them, taking for granted this the very thing to be proved,-it induced them to expend all their efforts in arguing the false idea that the question could not and must not be looked into or examined at all. site, discount and circulation. Examples of each of The president had considered these things, and the fundamental idea in his mind touching the proposed fiscal bank, either no discounts, or, if discounts, then assent of the states, was incorporated in the 17th article of the 11th section of the plan of a fiscal agent communicated to the senate and the house by the seTheir minds dominated by this sophism, and hav-cretary of the treasury. ing adopted as the rule of their own action the theo- On the 21st of June, Mr. Clay, of Kentucky, from ry of denegation of reason and self-stultification the select committee of the senate, to which the bill which it implies, it is not strange that they assumed of the secretary of the treasury had been referred, the same rule as applicable to the president. submitted a report, accompanied by a bill, framed in In refusing thus to shut his eyes, and in scrutiniz- part according to the plan of the secretary, but in the ing the true question, that, namely, of the necessity rital matter of the constitutional question, involved in and propriety of each and all of the proposed powers the 17th article of the 11th section, differing from the of the bank in the given case, the president, instead secretary of the treasury, and proposing to establish of acting in conflict with the decisions of the supreme discount offices in the several states without their ascourt, did in fact tread in the very path, and aim at sent. the very mark, which those decisions prescribe. But, it is said, the bank question, at the present moment, has been decided by the whig party, and the president ought to have conformed himself to that deTo which, if it were so, it is obvious to reply, that no determination of party can settle a constitutional question, or preclude a question of conscience. cision. It is further said that the president ought to approve whatever the party in congress do. In the house of representatives, Mr. Sergeant, Mr. Rives, on the 1st day of July, moved, as an amendment to the senate bill, to restore, in this respect, the precise language of the bill proposed by That would be to abolish at once all the constitu- the secretary of the treasury. His amendment was tional functions and duties of the president of the U. not, as it seems to have been generally supposed, a States, to render him eventually the mere puppet thing, but was the provision of the secretary, and of faction, to transform him into a simple counter-consisted of his very words cut from the printed sesigning clerk, and to transfer all the substantive nate document and wafered on a sheet of paper, with power of the government into the hands of congress. nothing but the formal words of a motion to amend Though president through the votes of a party, re- prefixed in manuscript. represented by a majority in congress, yet, as president, HE, not congress, is to execute that office, and, to the best of His ability, preserve, protect and defend the constitution. To say that whatever bill a majority of congress passes, that the president is, regardless of his own convictions, bound to sign, is to destroy the constitution. To say that the voice of a bare majority of congress is, as against the president, the final and conclusive pronunciation of the popular will, is to destroy the constitution. For the constitution expressly provides that, not a bare majority of the houses, but a TWO-THIRDS Vote against the president's objections, and that alone, is to be considered as the authoritative declaration of the will of the people. The exercise of the veto, it is said, is an odious act.. If so, the more certain is it that it will be rarely exercised by any president, and that when he does exercise it, he does so from profound convictions of conscience, and overpowering sense of public duty. The president, it is said, has defeated the wishes of the whig party in congress and the country, and, by his mere will, deprived the nation of what it so much needs, to wit: a national bank. Is it true that the president is responsible solely, or in any reprehensible sense, for the failure of congress, at the late session, to establish a bank? To answer this question let us look at facts and dates. On the 2d of June the senate called on the secretary of the treasury to present to them a plan of bank and fiscal agent, which he communicated on the 12th of June. a To a similar call made by the house on the 21st of June, the secretary replied in the same way on the 23d of June. In each house this plan was committed to a select committee on the currency. It was known generally, and it was known particularly to those members of congress, who, by their experience and political position, had the best opportunity and the greatest inducements to obtain a clear understanding of the facts in this respect, that the president of the United States had strong and fixed convictions concerning a national bank; that it was his anxious wish, so far as his conscientious opinions would permit, to conform his action in this matter to the wishes of congress; that, accordingly, he had reflected much, and counselled with his constitutional advisers on the subject; and that, among other conclusions to which he had arrived, was this: Either no discounts, or, if discounts, then assent of the states. The president, in considering this great question, looked beyond words, at ideas and things. Congress saw fit to adopt neither of these courses; that is, neither passing a bill of its own, nor accepting one from the president; and hence its failure to incorporate a fiscal bank. Doubtless, it was perfectly the right of congress to pursue the course it did; but, having elected to pursue this course, it should bear its due share of responsibility for the failure of the fiscal bank. And that responsibility ought not to be thrown on the president wholly. It is distinctly conceded by the late secretary of the treasury, in his letter of resignation, that the action of the president, on the fiscal agent bill, was conscientious and honest; and this avowal sufficiently contradicts the idea, suggested at the time in the house of representatives, that he was to be condemned as for the absence of conscientious reasons for that veto. The president returned that bill to the senate on Monday, the 16th day of August. In anticipation of that veto, and contemporaneously with it, as appears by the letters of the retiring secretaries, members of the whig party in congress contemplated the introduction of the second or fiscal corporation bill; and prior to the meeting of the cabinet to which they refer, the president was called on by Mr. Berrien of the senate, and Mr. Sergeant and Mr. W. C. Dawson of the house, they being, in fact, a committee from that portion of the whig party in congress which contemplated the initiation of a new bank bill, to ascertain the president's views on this subject. The president being of opinion, as Mr. Madison had been in a similar case, that it was improper to take part, in this form, in the initiation of a bill, declined to do so. But in this way as well as in various others, it became known to the president, that the purpose to pass a new bank bill was entertained by congress. Hence, it would seem, the consultation of the president with the members of his cabinet on this sub The two senators from Massachusetts, Mr. Bates For the opinions expressed by Mr. Bates and Mr. Was there, in this 17th article of the plan of the secretary, any thing so objectionable as to preclude its adoption on the part of congress? At this time there was pending in the house in committee of the whole, the bill to establish a fiscal agent, reported by Mr. Sergeant, on the 21st day of July. For the bill which the house had passed was the senate bill; the house bill remaining in committee of the whole not acted upon. On Thursday, the 19th of August, the objections of the president to the fiscal agent bill were considered in the senate, and that bill was rejected on that day for the want of the requisite constitutional majority of two-thirds. On Friday, the 20th of August, Mr. Sergeant, in the house of representatives, moved the house to resolve itself into committee of the whole on the state of the union; and then, the house being in committee of the whole on the state of the union, and having, at his motion, taken up the old pending house bill to incorporate the fiscal bank, he moved to amend the same by striking out all after the enacting words, and inserting, in lieu thereof, the fiscal corporation bill. On Saturday, the 21st of August, the house having again resolved itself into committee of the whole, and taken up the fiscal bank bill, Mr. Sergeant's amendment was adopted after some hours debate; and thus, without even having been committed to any standing or select committee of the house, and with a disregard of the means and forms of deliberative examination most unexampled, the fiscal corporation bill was forced through the committee of the whole. That there was not, is conclusively proved by the fact that, when it was ascertained in the senate that the bill could not pass that body without inserting the principle of state assent, it was inserted. Whatever there was objectionable, in this respect, in the plan of the secretary, is to be found in the compromise provision, so called, of the fiscal bank, as it finally passed the senate, and, without any change, the house. Did the former plan involve the difficulty of referring the agitation of the bank question to the political forum of each of the states? So also did the latter. Did the former involve an implied surrender of federal power? So also did the latter. This was most ably demonstrated in the speeches in the house made by Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, and Mr. On Monday, the 22d of August, the fiscal corpoAdams, of Massachusetts. In fact, the compromise ration bill, as reported from the committee of the provision, so called, was drawn up with such pecu- whole, was taken up in the house, and, under the liar felicity, as to contain all the evil of both schemes previous question, and without debate, passed. without the benefits of either, and to be equally ob- In the senate the bill was referred to a select comnoxious to the condemnation of both classes of opi-mittee, briefly, debated, and on the 3d day of Septemnion, that of the federal school as well as the state ber, passed that body. rights' school. When the bank question came into congress there were two courses to be pursued, in either of which there was a moral certainty that a bank would be obtained, or, at any rate, all occasion or pretext for any quarrel in the whig party, or between congress and the president, precluded. One course would have been for congress, upon its own lights and opinions, to pass just such a bill as its members should, themselves, conceive to be the best possible, without demanding any plan from the treasury department, as indication of the views of the president. Had this been done, the return of it by the president with his objections could have been no just cause of dissension. What is a bank? It seems to be assumed, in most of the newspaper discussions of the subject, that a bank is of necessity an institution combining deposites, discounts and circulation, or the issue of bills to circulate as money. Not so. Neither of those The other course would have been, if congress things is, in itself, of the essence of a bank. A bank chose to seek to shape its action in advance, in purmay be a bank of deposites without discounts or issuance of the views of the president, then, having assues, or of deposites and issues without discounts, or certained those views, to proceed in accordance with of deposites and discounts without issues, or of depo-them. It appears by a published letter of the secretary of state, addressed by him to the senators from Massachusetts, on the 25th of August, that the president regretted the introduction of the fiscal corporation bill in the house, that he wished the whole subject might have been postponed to the regular session of congress, to afford time for information and reflection before calling on him to form an opinion on another plan for a bank, and to enable him to act without the restraint or embarrassment to which he was, at the present time, by collateral facts subjected; and for these reasons expressing it as his (the secretary of state's) opinion, that it was the duty of the whigs to forbear from pressing the bank bill further at the present session of congress. For the same or similar reasons it was felt from the beginning, by many, that the action of congress in the matter of the fiscal corporation bill was ill-advised, hasty, hazardous of much evil, and promising no good. But other counsels prevailed; the bill was passed through both houses, submitted to the president, and by him returned to the house, with his objections, on the 9th day of September, and in the house, by a vote according to the constitutional form of reconsideration, it was lost. This act of the president has subjected him to new allegations of censure in addition to, and other than, those which followed the first veto. ton; and it is known of many members present in the city, that they had no part in its adoption. I, at any rate, had none. I protest against the act itself, the measures it proposes, and the opinions it promulgates. The act itself seems to me to have been wholly unwise as a party movement. Our wounds needed to be soothed by emolients, not inflamed by irritants. In a constitutional sense, it seems to me still more unwise, when coupled with its matter. regardless of conscience, shall control the actions of the president. And yet this humiliating idea is the groundwork of injustice done him, so far as he is concerned. And all the unintended errors of conduct, on the part of those whigs who, by reproach of the president, are hurrying on a quarrel between him and the whig party, would have been prevented, if, in addition to the recognition of his rights of conscience and conThe president, it is charged, trifled with one or stitutional judgment in this matter, it had been remore of the retiring secretaries. Of what occurred membered, by right-thinking men, that opinions, It proposes the organization of a new party, having at cabinet meetings, the public knows and can know though they be a moral fact only, yet constitute a for its main object sundry vast changes in the constinothing. But, as to the main point, whether he initi-fact, to be dealt with, and considered and conformed to tution of the federal government. To attempt to orated the fiscal corporation bill. where they cannot be changed, just as much as un-ganize a party in pursuit of various and great changes changeable physical facts. How does it promote the of the constitution, at this time, is to waste one's life bank interest, for instance, to build up one executive in the chase of bubbles-for there is no existing fact veto after another in its path? Is not that the addition to impel the people to make such changes, and thereto pre-existing difficulties of new difficulties created fore they will not be made. ourselves? This idea is incompatible with the dates and facts above stated, which show that the consideration of a new bill was forced on the president by members of congress. It is, also, incompatible with the fact that, on Tues-by day, the 17th of August, as it is said by the secretary of war, the president expressed to him doubt as to any bill; If the whig party allow itself to fall off into this warfare against the president, under the influence of the causes alleged for that warfare, it will be to comThat, at the very cabinet meeting itself as the mit suicide, in order to avoid danger of, at some fusecretary of the treasury declares, the president de-ture time, dying a natural death. clared "a wish that the whole subject should be postponed till the next session of congress;"That if, at any moment before the fiscal corpora-it tion bill was moved in the house, it was seen by the president, yet, as admitted by the secretary of the treasury, it was never seen by the president in his presence; and of course it was not before them at the meeting of the cabinet. It is further alleged that the fiscal corporation bill is, in fact, such an exchange bank as the president, in the first veto, and in conversation with individuals, encouraged congress to suppose he would sanction. In regard to this the president, it is believed, never lost sight of the fundamental idea originally in his mind: either no discounts, or, if discounts, assent of the states. This appears from the whole tenor of the second counts." When the ship of state encounters adverse winds, and cannot on the instant make her destined port, is the part of men of sense to jump overboard and drown themselves? Will the whig party, in so doing, be in the discharge of its duty to the county or to itself? Is resentment against the president for not having signed the bank bill, or resentment in behalf of his retiring secretaries because of any difference between them and him, a good and sufficient motive for political action? If there be any sense or degree whatever in which such resentment is a good motive for a patriotic man to act upon, does not the gratification of it by the whig party to its own self destruction seem to be pushing it rather too far? Supposing to be just all that the whigs have reproached the democrats with, ought the whigs, as a question of ethics and of patriotism, so to conduct, under the influences of transitory causes and personal passion, as, in destroying their own power, to destroy the ascendeucy and the means of usefulness of their principles? late secretaries have, for various and not concurring That the retirement of secretaries is a common Those changes, if effected, would concentrate the chief powers of government in the hands of that of which this document itself is an emanation, namely a causus dictatorship of congress. The veto power has been stigmatized as a one-man power. By the fathers of the republic it was established, and by the best expounders of the constitution it has been constantly defended, as a needful check on, not only unconstitutional or usurping acts of the two houses of congress, but in general on all "improper" legislation, whether improper by intrinsic defects of whatever sort, or by attendant haste or faction. And if there be any description of bill which more than any other requires mature consideration, and when apparently unconstitutional justifies the interposition of the suspensive power of the president, surely it is one which proposes to trust to a private corporation jurisdiction over the currency by an act irrepealable. If to clear the way for a bank, or for any other object, this suspensive power of the president over bills, this one-man power, is to be struck from the constitution, why not go to the root of the matter at once, and strike from the constitution other parts of the one-man power, which are at present among the functions of the executive? In fact, it is proposed in that document to do this; for example, to give to congress jurisdiction over removals from office and administration of the trea Do this take away the veto, so as to leave the power of congress unchecked, that is, absolute, for all liberty exists by means of checks on despotismabandon to it not only the law-making power, but the appointing power and the money-power-and where stand then the liberties of the people of the United States? Nominally, in the hands of congress; really, in those of an unchecked and untempered party majority of congress—nominally, in the hands prescribed by the constitution; really, in those of a heated and despotic party caucus-nominally, in the responsible hands of the senate and house; really, in the irresponsible ones of ONE MAN behind the scenes, wielding the government through congress, and congress through the caucus. Nor could there be any misapprehension on this I say nothing, in this discussion of the question, point, arising from a supposed omission to advert to whether the whig party shall quarrel with the presi-sury. the fact that the exclusion of the discount of pro-dent or not, of the particular fact that several of his missory notes, inserted in the fiscal corporation bill, was not an absolute exclusion of discounts. You know very well that there may be a discount of a bill of exchange as well as of a promissory note. Though your banks do sometimes act as the mere collectors of bills of exchange, and the medium of obtaining payment of them from the accepters, without making any discount upon them, yet, on the other hand, very much of the business of your banks consists of the discount of bills of exchange, payable on time, and discounted to the drawer or payee for his accommodation. And that this fact was present to the minds of gentlemen, and spoken of at the cabinet meeting of the 19th of August, is expressly stated in the published letter of the late secretary of the navy. That the president has, in this instance, selected such successors; And that, whilst those gentlemen have retired, yet the secretary of state, in whose patriotism and ability you have more immediate cause to confide, has declared that he knows no sufficient cause for such separation, and continues to co-operate cordially with the president in the discharge of the duties of that station which he fills with so much honor to himself and advantage to the country. It would be an act of fatuity for the whig party to think of breaking from the president, and thus to break itself up, because of any of these changes in the personal organization of the cabinet. Finally, it is said, that whatever may be the force of the reasons assigned by the president for refusing to sanction the bank bill, yet that, in so doing, he acted from motives of personal ambition, and to injure the whig party. But this is mere gratuitous imputation, supported by no evidence, contradicted by all the facts in the case, and more especially by this, I sincerely trust, therefore, that conceding to the that, in what the president has done, he has but act-president the same rights of conscience that you claim ed in accordance with long-avowed, well-known and for yourselves, and applying well-balanced minds to persevering opinions of his whole life. It would be just as competent, and no more uncharitable, to retort the same imputation upon those who, patrons of the bank question, have yet with headlong haste driven it butt against two vetoes. the calm consideration of all the facts, listening to no However that may be, it remains only for me to I believe that his conduct has been conscientious say that in none of the events which have transpired, throughout, and, believing this, deprecate the at- is it possible for me to see good reason for a radical tempt to array against him the resentments of the and revolutionary change of the constitution of the whig party, as being unjust, inexpedient and un-United States. No evil exists, it seems to me, which calls for revolutionary remedies. wise. In aid of this attempt, it has been imputed to the president that, disregarding the counsels of the whigs, he takes advice from the opposition. In support of this imputation, it is believed that no evidence can be as none has been, adduced, and that it is wholly without foundation. Yet an address has gone forth from a portion of the members of congress, purporting to be the unanimous act of a meeting of THE Whigs of congress, which, besides arraigning the president on various allegations of fact and surmises not fact, recommends such radical changes of the constitution. All the misapprehensions in regard to the motives The expression "THE Whigs," would be generally of the president in this matter, arise from the denial understood to mean all the whigs. What members of the president of the rights of conscience, in con- constituted the caucus which issued this document sequence of which it has been assumed that, what- does not appear. So far as the journals of the house ever may be his conscientious convictions in regard afford any means of knowledge, it would seem that at to a measure, he would sign it, right or wrong, if the time when that address purports to have been party considerations recommend it. I submit to you adopted, it being the last day of the session, after all whether a party valuing itself on religion, will adopt its legislative business was completed, less than half the idea that considerations of shifting party tactics, of the whig members of congress were in Washing I want no such government. The dark shadow of its threatened coming is enough for me. Save the country from the despotism of congress on the one hand, as well as from that of the executive on the other, by continuing to each the partition of powers as the constitution provides. When and how did the scheme of an executive congress come to be the platform of the whigs? These new articles of creed for the party seem to me to resemble the codicils to the will of Cæsar which Mark Anthony was continually finding, or the additional chapters of pretended revelation which Mahomet was accustomed to produce-expedients to meet the emergency of the hour. The English commonwealth tried the experiment of government by legislative assemblies, balanced by no executive check, and was glad enough to escape from it into the arms of the milder despotism of Oliver Cromwell. The French republic tried it, and after finding that its operation was to enable one party chief after another, backed by clubs and caucuses, to exercise, irresponsible to law, such a bloomy tyranny as the world never saw before, was content to welcome instead the enthronement of Napoleon Bonaparte. My friends, let us devoutly thank God for the happier government he has given to us, and, discarding all these perilous novelties, the hot bed growth of temporary party passions, springing up gourd-like in a night to wilt and perish in the first sun-repudiating these new fangled whimseys, let us cling with fond affection to the constitution whose foundations were cemented by the blood of our fathers, and which, in so many vicissitudes of fortune, has proved to be the ark of salvation to our blessed union. C. CUSHING. Washington, Sept. 27, 1841. CHRONICLE. AMERICAN ANTIQUITIES. Messrs. Stephens and Catherwood, who sailed from New York a few days ago on a second trip of exploration in Central America, have taken with them a complete set of Butler's daguerreotype apparatus, for the purpose of obtaining strictly accurate views of the ancient ruins of that country. They will be absent about five months. They are both wonderfully energetic and indefatigable in their labors. The New York Tribune states that they intend to confine their travels principally to Yucatan, and to a more Ininute examination of Uxmui, where it will be recollected by the readers of Stevens' recent volumes, he spent but two days, being obliged to leave in consequence of the iliness of Mr. Catherwood. ANIMAL MAGNETISM. A Mr. C. P. Johnson is in Albany going through a series of illustrative experiments in animal magnetism. From the tone of some communications in the Argus, we should infer that believers in Albany were multiplying considerably. BANK ITEMS. U. S. bank notes were sold in Philadel phia on Saturday at 44 per cent discount. The stock of that bank is quoted at $5. The following resolutions were offered by Mr. Randall, at the Philadelphia city and county whig meeting held on Monday last in the state house yard. They were received with acclamation, and adopted without a dissenting voice. Resolved, That it is right and proper to impose the most severe system of TAXATION, to preserve inviolate the honor and faith of the state, and that we deprecate any further recourse to LOANS for the purpose of paying either the principle or interest of the debts now due by the commonwealth. FLOUR has declined during the week about 25 cents, PARACHUTE SIGNAL, FOR RAILWAYS. Professor Parthington, in a lecture delivered in a literary institution at Newcastle-upon-Tyne, recommended as a preventive of accidents on railways, that as soon as any circumstance occurred to prevent a train proceeding, a rocket parachute considerable time, and show to the other trains which should be sent up into the air, which would remain for a might be travelling on the same line, that there was danger on the road. When speaking of parachutes, the professor said, they might be used as fire escapes, and he would not hesitate himself to leap a considerable way with a strong umbrella in his hands. THE FORGER Edwards is not the son of gov. Ninian Edwards, but of major Amos Edwards, of Russelville, Ky. as already stated in this paper. Gen. Soledo visited REVOLUTIONARY SOLDIERS. There are living now in Kentucky in 1813 and induced major Edwards to remove the town of Ipswich, Essex county, Mass. eighteen sol to Texas, though his family did not remove until 1820.-diers of the revolutionary war, of whom Abraham Per There was at that time a powerful sympathy towards kins, John H. Boardman, Jeremiah Ross and Samuel Texas, and the country was represented as full of trea- Lancaster were at the battle of Bunker's Hill. Edwards is the man who swindled the Messrs. Little sures. It is not yet made out with certainty whether and others some months ago. [N. Y. Jour. of Com. The case of Monroe Edwards, the forger, which has been for some days before the court at Philadelphia was closed on Saturday, and he has been given up to the N. York authorities. Whilst in England a short time since he got $1,200 from Earl Spencer by means of a forged letter purporting to be from Daniel Webster. FURS AND SKINS. The Buffalo Advertiser says: "There has been received since the opening of navigation 2,016 packs of fine furs, and 1,1347 packs of deer and elk skins, making in all 3,363 packages. One invoice, consisting of 36 hhds. and boxes, was appraised in the custom house at Canada at $45,000. NO JURY. An attempt was recently made to empannel a jury in a case of murder in Raleigh, N. C. but it failed. Of three hundred persons summoned, only three were found who had not formed an opinion in the case. Resolved, That the legislature of Pennsylvania be earnestly requested to compel the banks of this conimon-manufactured in New York on a large scale. The Times LADIES' BONNETS, made of Manilla grass, are now wealth forthwith to resume SPECIE PAYMENTS, or to go into says that the braiding is performed by machinery, and liquidation for the payment of their debts. that there are now several hundred women and children employed in the business. BANK OF ENGLAND Quarterly average of the weekly liabilities and assets of the bank of England, from the 224 of June to the 14th September 1841, both inclu sive. lowing list of boats engaged in the St. Louis trade, that STEAMBOATS. The St. Louis Republican gives the fol value. The Vermont, sunk between St. Louis and the have been lost since the 1st of January, 1841, with their mouth of the Ohio, valued at $5,000; Rienzi, $8,000; Peoria, $5,000; Chester, $25,000; Homer, $6,000; Maid of Orleans, $20,000; Oregon, $20,000; Keokuk, $6,000, Wm. Paris, $12,000; A. M. Phillips, $6,000; Tehuia, $15,000; U. S. Mail, $15.000; Brazil, sunk on the upper Mississippi, $8,000; Caroline, $35,000; Chief Magistrate, $15,000; Battle, $12,000; Malta, $15,000; Missouri, $50,000. Total value, $200,000. STEAMSHIPS. The President probably. Vicenzo Guer rino, on arriving at Belfast from Brazil, and hearing the fate of the President, addressed a note to the editor of the Vindicator which states that "on August 29th, or thereabout, being then in the vicinity of the Azores, my brother, who was amusing himself on the maintop, observed in the distance what he considered to be a boat exposed. On his announcing the circumstance below, dered the ship to lie to. the captain after surveying the object with his glass, or found it was the side of an immense vessel, having the On approaching nearer, we beans erect, resembling masts, the other side was away. All hands concurred in the opinion that it was the wreck of a large steamer. 2d at Greenwich, Conn, in the 90th year of his age. He Circulation, £17,481,000 Securities, £23,567,000 COTTON GOODS. The New York Express states that the total value of cotton goods exported from Great Britain amounts to one hundred and twenty-five millions of dollars. Of these five and a half millions come to this country. Germany is her largest customer, taking seventeen millions. EMIGRANTS. About 1,000 emigrants from Europe reached the city of New York in the vessels which arrived last week. [N. Y. Cou. & Eng. Oct. 14. The New Haven Herald thus speaks of the McLeod case. The reference to the patriots who are figuring this side of the line is rather true than flattering: "It is rather our opinion in the present case, that John Bull has the best of it, and that when the principles laid down by Mr. J. Q. Adams, then secretary of state, in regard to the invasion of Florida by Gen. Jackson, are brought to bear upon the question, uncle Sam will find out whose ox it was that gored the cow, and alter the case materially. We have no doubt that by this time McLeod is acquitted-and have no more doubt that Theller, McKenzie, Sutherland, Van Renssalaer, and about a dozen other ruffians ought to be made "a head shorter." It is a few such scoundrels as these that keep in a perpetual and useless agitation. It is a great mystery our frontiers in danger, and our government and country to us how the despicable loafers get the means to carry on their depredations." METHODISTS. The North Carolina conference has 24,704 members. ANOTHER LINE OF STEAMERS. It is stated by the Bristol Standard, that in a short time the inerchants of St. Petersburgh will have a direct line of steam communication, via the north of Germany, Yarmouth, and Bristol, with New York. STOCKS. The number of emigrants arrived at the port of Que bec this season up to Sept. 25, was 28,115. Arrived last that American stocks continue rather to decline than We learn from London, 17th September, season up to same day, 22,065. Increase this year 6050. revive. The Dutch had taken about 1,000 U. S. bank EXCHANGE. New York on London 9a93; on France shares out of that market at £3 to £3 53. before Mr. 5f. 1720; on Philadelphia 2a23; Baltimore 2a2; on prices to £2 5s. The London capitalists have refused Jaudon's arrival out; but the news he took depressed other places as at last week's quotations. The Nashville Whig of the 4th inst. says: The bank to take any part of the twelve million loan authorised by of Tennessee and Union bank decline checking on Phicongress. The Times attributes this refusal to the course ladelphia. The latter offers to draw on New York at 9 taken by Gov. McNutt of Mississipi. It says "The prem. The Planters' bank will check in limited sums capitalists are of opinion that the credit of the United at 6 prem. The exchanges, out of bank, rule as follows: States is entirely gone, and that they would not be justiOn New York 10 prem.; Boston 10; Baltimore 9; Phi- The Ohio conference has recently been in session fied in advancing their money either to one individual ladelphia 8; New Orleans 6; Louisville 4; Cincinnati 31. at Urbana The number in Cincinnati is 8,610. In-state or to the federal government." Nevertheless. New EXPLORING EXPEDITION. Cape of Good Hope papers Urbana, Chilicothe, Columbus, Zanesville, Marietta, cluding that and the districts of Lebanon, Dayton, York state stock sold at 79 and Maryland sterling at 73. to the 29th July, (says the New York Journal of Com- Kanawha and German missions they number 56,087 SPECIE. The British Packet arrived at New Orleans merce), apprise of the arrival at Table Bay, of the United States ships Vincennes and Peacock, brig Porpoise and whites, 606 colored members; 422 local preachers; schooner Flying Fish; constituting the American explor-348 Sabbath schools, having 19,511 scholars and ing expedition. The paper of the 20th says: "An Ame- 38,246 books. rican frigate is signalized, standing out to sea again." Probably the Constellation, bound to China, which had been making repairs at Saldanha Bay. The exploring expedition remained at Table Bay July 20th, Lieut. Jones, U. S, navy, had arrived at the Cape, the Mcdusu from London. from Tampico with $341,000. The Duchess d'Orleans, which sailed from New York on Friday for Havre, takes $184,226 in specie. TELEPHONE OR NIGHT TELEGRAPH. We learn from found by the French fleet entirely efficient. Orders from Toulon that the telephone or night telegraph has beca the flag-ships were transmitted by it at a considerable distance, in boisterous and very dark nights. the 24 hours ending on the 29th ult. was 47, of which 36 NEW ORLEANS. The number of deaths reported for by yellow fever. On the 30th, 39, of which 26 by fever. in the 31st, 39, of which 30 by the fever. On the 1st inst. was 30; on the 2d, only 8 by yellow fever. On the [Paris Cor. Nat. Int. 3d and 4th, 41 deaths, 21 by yellow fever. During the week ending the 30th ult. 252 deaths oc-consisted of 758 hhds. Maryland and 177 of Ohio; total TOBACCO. The inspections last week in Baltimore curred, of which 177 were by yellow fever. 965 hhds. FIRES. The David Scott, British Indiaman, belonging to London, 753 tons burthen, with a cargo on board for Marseilles from Calcutta, took fire on the 12th June from the spark of a light used when drawing some rum, and burnt to the waters edge. On the 21st of the same month another terrible fire happened on board the magnificent ship the Republic, and in consequence of a suspicion of there being a large quantity of gunpowder and salt petre on board, no one would render assistance, and the vessel was totally consumed. The cause of the catastrophe is not exactly known, but it is supposed to have arisen through accident. The ship is insured. oil. OIL. The Wilmington Whaling company's ship Jef- $1 37 Wheat was selling at Quincy, Ill. on the 1st of the present month, at 56 cents per bushel. FIFTH SERIES.-No. 8.-VOL. XI.] BALTIMORE, OCTOBER 23, 1841. [VOL. LXI.—WHOLE NO. 1,569. THE PAST-THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED, EVERY SATURDAY, BY JEREMIAH HUGHES, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. NAVY-Midshipmen; War steamers. STATES OF THE UNION-Maine, land sales, mechanics convention; Massachusetts, nominations, Boston exchange; Vermont, election; Rhode Island, suffrage convention; New Jersey, rail road; New York, Van Buren mass convention, candidates, Helderberghers in limbo, state canal toll, home industry convention, temperance celebration; Pennsylvania, another anthracite furnace, effect of the stopping of the U. States bank, loss by de preciation of stocks; Maryland, map; Georgia, resignations, banks; Alabama, penal code; Tennessee, legislature; Kentucky, substantial compliment to Mr Crittenden; Ohio, bank question; Illinois, Little Rock tragedy, election returns, Illinois and Michigan canal, trial of 112 men for murder; Wiskonsin, more lead. TRIAL OF ALEXANDER MCLEOD-Concluded. NATIONAL AFFAIRS. THE PRESIDENT left the seat of government and reached Baltimore on Thursday, on his way per the Norfolk line, to his residence in Virginia, for a short relaxation, which after several months arduous application to executive duties must be very grateful. APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRESIDENT. Bennet A. Crawford, of New Orleans, to be judge of the United States for the district of Louisiana, in the place of Theodore H. McCaleb, deceased. Increase in ten years Seneca 4,202,646 Schenectady Troy being within a fraction of 33 per cent. The population of the U. S. in 1790 was 3,929,326 Patterson Harrisburg 5,303,666 Moyamensing 7,239,903 Kensington 9,660,765 Spring Garden N. Liberties 1830 แ 12,866,020 Southwark 17,068,666 Philad. city 1840 66 At the same rate of increase, the population, in 1850, will amount to twenty-two and half millions— and in 1860, to thirty millions. Of the population of 1830, the total number of Gettysburg white males is Of do. females More males than females This excess may be largely accounted for by the fact that of the immigration constantly taking place, Wilmington a much larger number of males arrive from abroad Dover than of females. Annapolis Joseph S. Sanchez to be marshal of the United The colored population to whom this reason would Baltimore States for the Eastern district of Florida. Reap-not apply, is remarkably balanced. The aggregate pointed. NEW YORK. 20,191 Fishkill 19,334 Poughkeepsie NEW JERSEY. 4,184 | Princeton 17,290 Trenton 7,590 PENNSYLVANIA. 33,721 Williamsburg 5,094 12,782 Catskill 5,339 10,437 17,068,666 Lockport 5,672 6,784 New York city Lancaster city 8,417 Columbia 2,719 Reading 8,410 Allentown 2,493 4,351 Norristown 2,937 2,718 1,908 Sunbury 1,108 7,249,246 Bristol 1,438 Milton 1,508 Lebanon 6,939,842 309,404 Frankford 2,376 Huntington 1,145 2,058 Williamsport 1,353 2,062 Meadville 1,319 The first instruction given me, was to endeavor to draw more closely the relations of friendship and Belfast good will existing between the two countries. Brunswick All my efforts have tended to this end, and I shall Augusta feel myself happy to have, at least in part, succeeded. Concord I shall preserve, Mr. President, a grateful recol- Dover lection of the good feeling and welcome which I Portsmouth have constantly received from the authorities and citizens of the union, and I pray you, Mr. President, Andover to accept the expression of my respect for your per son. Boston The president's reply. If you shall have occasion, in after life, Mr. Mi- Cambridge nister, to associate with your recollection of your Charlestown residence near this government, "the evidence (to Dartmouth use your own expression) of the good feeling and Davers welcome which you have constantly received from Fall River the authorities and citizens of the union," it gives me Gloucester pleasure to assure you, that the authorities and citi- Haverhill zens of the United States will not fail to remember Lowell the urbanity of your deportment towards them, which has rendered so agreeable your intercourse with this Cumberland government, and won for you the friendship of those Newport whose happiness it was to know you. Providence city I take pleasure in adding, that the emperor, your august master, could not have entrusted the high Danbury objects of friendship and good will, which dictated Harford city your mission, to hands more acceptable to the Unit- Litchfield ed States, than those of Wenzel, Baron de Mare- New Haven city schal. Take with you, Mr. Minister, the assurance of my Bennington high personal respect. Burlington, VOL. XI-SIG. 8. MAINE. 8,627 | Saco 5,141 Hallowell 4,259 Portland NEW HAMPSHIRE. 4,897 Meredith MASSACHUSETTS. 5,207 | Lynn 4,301 Middleborough 8,409 New Bedford RHODE ISLAND. 5,225 Smithfield 8,333 Warwick 23,171 CONNECTICUT. 4,504 New London 9,468 Norwich city 4,038 Stonington 12,960 Weathersfield VERMONT. 3,429 4,271 Montpelier Mobile 4,408 Montgomery 5,575 Chilicothe 9,012 Circleville 7,161 Columbus 9,089 Indianapolis 9,534 Detroit 5,519 Monroe TENNESSEE.-Nashville KENTUCKY. 3,898 St. Augustine 3,725 Alexandria Georgetown OHIO. |